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\.^" .V41C^'. "^^- 



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THE HOPE OF THE FUTURE 




Honorable Warren Gamaliel Harding 

President, The United States of America 



The Hope of the Future 



BY 

EDWARD E. EAGLE 

Forewords and Messages by 

HONORABLE WARREN GAMALIEL HARDING 
President, The United States of America 

HONORABLE DAVID LLOYD GEORGE 
Prime Minister, Great Britain 

HONORABLE ARTHUR MEIGHAN 
Prime Minister, Canada 

HONORABLE WILLIAM MORRIS HUGHES 
Prime Minister, Australia 

HONORABLE WILLIAM MASSEY 
Prime Minister, New Zealand 

SIR JAMES CRAIG 
Prime Minister, Northern Ireland 




THE CORNHILL PUBLISHING COMPANY 

BOSTON 






Copyright, 1921 
By EDWARD E. EAGLE 



All Rights Reserved 



^CI.A6o4678 

Printed in U. S. A. 

E JORDAN & MORE PRESS 
BOSTON 

DEC 29 1921 
I 



DEDICATED TO 

Mr. Jrank S. 3aBt»r 

HAVERFORD, PENNSYLVANIA 

WHO. DURING MY YOUTH. HELPED ME 
TO "REALIZE" MANY THINGS 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



PAGE 

Preface by Edward E. Eagle ix 

Messages and Forewords 

His Excellency Warren G. Harding . . . xiii 

Rt, Hon. David Lloyd George xv 

Rt. Hon, Arthur Meighan xvii 

Rt. Hon. William Morris Hughes .... xix 

Rt. Hon. William Massey xxvii 

Sir James Craig xxix 

Travels of an Average American ..... 3 

The British Empire in the East 8 

The Education of an Englishman 14 

Playing the Game 20 

English Law and American 27 

New Zealand 34 

Australian Glimpses 42 

The Spirit of Australia 48 

The American Abroad 56 

A Glance at American Government Abroad . 62 

Some Difficulties of a Democracy .... 68 

The Golden Calf 73 

Immigration in the New World 78 

Japan 84 

The Future of Western Civilization .... 90 

The World an Economic Unit 96 

British Business Methods 102 

The Necessity of Foreign Trade 108 

Organizing for Exports 113 

Selling Goods Abroad 118 

The Present Status of International Finance . 123 

America's Indebtedness to Europe 129 

The Hope of the Future 135 

vii 




Edward E. Eagle 



Preface 



M. Clemenceau, the French " Tiger," on returning 
from India, was informed that Mr. Lansing in a volume 
just pubHshed had spoken of him in the highest terms, 
and being asked if he wished to read what the American 
had said, he retorted: ''No, I never read anything 
about myself that is comphmentary; I can hope to 
improve only by reading criticisms." 

Believing that the American people will be glad to 
assume the intelligent attitude of M. Clemenceau, I 
have ventured to issue in this volume my frank and 
fearless observations based upon five years of wandering 
up and down the earth. I have had faith to believe that 
the Americans for once would prefer to be criticised 
rather than complimented. This book is intended for 
those people who hke myself have not reached the stage 
when they believe they are immune from criticisms. 

Ten years ago in Alabama, where I was born, I read 
the life of Charles Darwin and was stimulated by the 
record of his experiences to go forth and see the world. 
A few weeks ago I stood in Westminster Abbey upon the 
slab beneath which rests his body, near that of Isaac 
Newton, and I asked myself whether these two men 
would have hesitated to brave pubUc opinion by publish- 



ing such a volume as this. I knew then that they would 
not. Accordingly in " The Hope of the Future" I am 
revealing here my observations in the belief that there 
are many Clemenceaus in America. 

Writing books is not my business and never will be; 
international commerce is; yet many friends, knowing 
of my wide field of observation, have urged me to be 
bold, and to present here what I have gleaned in travels 
that have led me from the fashionable resorts of Europe 
to the wilds of Borneo. 

As I look back at the notes I jotted down when my 
journeys first began, I am amazed to find how complete 
has been the change in my understanding of America 
and the other nations and their relationship to one 
another. It is for the hundred million Americans who 
have never gone outside the boundaries of their Conti- 
nent that I have written. Not all of them are, or could 
be, so prejudiced as was I before my rovings began. 
Yet I am convinced that a majority possess an exag- 
gerated idea of their importance to the world, and of the 
world's regard for them. Many Americans whom I 
encountered abroad have assured me that this is their 
own opinion now, but that they are loathe to state it, 
lacking both time and inclination. For my own part, 
though equally reluctant, I have refused to decline this 
responsibility. 

In my undertaking I have been encouraged by some 
of the leaders of public opinion. Mr. David Lloyd 
George as Prime Minister of Great Britain, in contribut- 



ing his " Foreword " broke a precedent and to him I 
owe a debt of gratitude that I am unable to express, as 
also to President Warren G. Harding, who added his 
voice to the spokesmen of the other great Enghsh- 
speaking nations. The messages which Sir James Craig, 
Mr. WilUam Morris Hughes, Mr. William Massey, and 
Mr. Arthur Meighan, as authoritative voices for the 
great communities they represent, conveyed by me to 
America will, I feel certain, receive a sympathetic hear- 
ing. That they send such messages through a private 
citizen proves their kindly spirit and their desire for 
friendship with America. Sir James Craig is Northern 
Ireland's first Prime Minister, and his message to America 
is the first sent by him to any people. 

To others I leave the easier and more agreeable task 
of indicating what foreign countries can learn from 
America. Mine is at least the more necessary endeavor 
of pointing to what America can learn from them. 

Edward E. Eagle. 
2a Pabk Street 
Boston, Massachusetts 
November 11, 1921 



The White House, 

Washington, D. C. 

The desirability of the best possible understanding 
between the English-speaking people of the world has 
always seemed to me so obvious that it could hardly 
require argument. That these communities confront a 
long period of arduous responsibility not only for their 
own concerns, but for the progress of the world and the 
guarantees of civilization is hardly to be doubted. 

Very intimate understanding and co-operation must 
necessarily be maintained and yet further developed, if 
they are to discharge their responsibility most effectively. 

I am convinced that Mr. Eagle's book is likely to be of 
real use in estabHshing such ample knowledge and 
appreciation among the English-speaking Communities, 
and I sincerely hope it may have precisely that effect. 



xai 




Honorable David Lloyd George 
Prime Minister, Great Britain 



10 Downing Street, 

London 

Having looked through Mr. Eagle's book, I am much 
struck by the study which he has given to the aims and 
methods of the British Empire and also by the clear 
reasoning with which he sets forth the need for close 
co-operation between the Empire and the United States. 

I wish himself, his book, and his aims all possible 
success. 



^ j(^y -/^y^ 




Unaerwood & Underwood 



Honorable Arthur JNIeighan 
Prime Minister, Canada 



Prime Minister's Office, 

Toronto, Canada 

The friendship of Canada and the United States is 
perhaps the best example of what good international 
relations may be. That friendship, without a break for 
over a century — our four thousand miles of frontier 
without a soldier or a gun — proves that two nations 
can, if they will, adjust their differences by the applica- 
tion of common sense and fair play. We have lived so 
long now in peace that it never occurs to us that, in 
order to settle any possible dispute, we could be foolish 
enough to relapse into the wasteful welter of war. 

By that friendship — and that friendship alone — 
the present prosperity of North America has been made 
possible. We have proved its value so completely that 
we shall not bring ourselves to break it. To a Canadian 
it seems only natural that this relation of trust and 
confidence should be extended to include the whole 
English-speaking World. 

What issue could ever be worth a quarrel between us? 
What contrary interests have we for which we should 
imperil the whole basis of our well-being? Canada will 
hold her place — let there be no delusion — as a Domin- 
ion within the British Empire. But Canada under- 
xvii 



stands that it is possible for her to hold that place and 
at the same time to live in perfect neighborly accord with 
the United States. 

Only mutual ignorance and suspicion can prevent 
these relations from becoming permanent in the family of 
EngKsh-speaking peoples. It is necessary for us to make 
constant efforts to sustain and advance the spirit of good 
will. We must iron out each small diflSculty as it arises. 

Above all we must endeavor to understand each other. 
Every traveller can help. It is a process which can 
never be completed. No one can prophesy when or 
where a subject of disagreement may arise; but whatever 
it may be, a clear understanding of the question is bound 
to reveal the fact that our interests and purposes are not 
fundamentally divergent. 

Mr. Eagle's book is a strong thoroughgoing attempt of 
an American to interpret some aspects of the British 
Empire to the American pubHc. As such, it merits the 
commendation of both countries. When Americans 
see the Empire as Canadians see it, they will feel some- 
what as do we, and will understand as never before why 
Canada is British. 

I am confident that this book will help its readers to 
know better the real character and purpose of the Empire 
as it exists today. 




.CtC4XA 




Honorable William Morris Hughes 
Prime Minister, Australia 



Prime Minister's Office, 

Melbourne, Australia 

Within the welter of problems confronting the world, 
one fact at least is clear-cut and outstanding. It is 
this — that the only influence Hkely to be effectual 
against the prevailing insecurity of civilization is that of 
a body of opinion able to enforce peace as against war. 
The statesmen of the world are engaged in elucidating 
and composing a universal confusion and national 
difficulty, the detail of which is immense of bulk and vast 
of range. But the ultimate significance of every frag- 
ment in that mass of controversy is the share in the re- 
establishment of the world, its part in the rescue of 
humanity from the dangers threatening it — in other 
words, its bearing upon the ideal which transcends all 
and includes all, the ideal of a world at peace and firmly 
set upon the path of progress and prosperity. 

Complete unanimity of opinion among the nations, 
either by grant of some miraculous impulse toward 
agreement, or as the result of sudden conversion to a 
common outlook, is impossible. The only way is the way 
of persuasion, or pressure, of the minority of nations who 
refuse or delay the needed decisions — their persuasion, 
r their pressure, by the majority of nations, who desire 



those decisions. And there is ready to hand the very- 
instrument needed. The EngHsh-speaking peoples of 
the world are that instrument. 

Already they are united in a natural confraternity 
which has its origin in common ancestors and a common 
language, and which issues in their allegiance to similar 
ideals, their quest of similar aims, their rarely antagonis- 
tic and often harmonious, even identical, faiths and 
hopes and habits and tastes. They are no more divided, 
essentially, than the members of any family who, branch- 
ing off from the parent-stock, spread themselves far and 
wide, and who, though they develop variously by reason 
of their varying environment, yet retain the essential 
characteristics of their fathers. In one aspect, that of 
the British Empire, most of the EngHsh-speaking nations 
united in a loosely organized, but effective, solidarity, 
are fundamentally one people, though the detail of their 
separate lives is more and more surely independent and 
individual, and their development in the national 
characteristics peculiar to each, more and more certain. 
But the British Empire is, after all, but part of the whole. 
The English-speaking family of nations owns as its most 
populous and its most powerful asset the people of the 
United States, and the union of that family in its com- 
pletest strength and its greatest influence for good is 
only possible in so far as the nations of the British Empire 
and the American nation are united in effort and purpose 
and aim. 

No finer task is available to the worker in any field 

XX 



than that of attempting to give practical effect to this 
great ideal of the consolidation of the Anglo-Saxon 
peoples into permanency of friendship. For myself, 
at aU events, I know of no political aspiration Hkely to 
have more important result upon the world or to be to it 
of more lasting value, and it is for this reason that I 
have urged, wherever I have found opportunity, the 
wisdom — indeed the necessity — of a close under- 
standing between the United States and Australia, and 
have encouraged wherever possible the growth of the 
friendship of our two peoples, their knowledge of each 
other's problems, and the development, as a result, of 
mutual relations of esteem and good will. 

In two outstanding regards America and Australia 
are so closely concerned, and so conditioned geographi- 
cally and by force of other governing circumstances, as 
to give each the strongest claim upon the other's sympa- 
thy, understanding and support. I refer in the first 
place to the race ideal known as " White AustraUa," 
and in the second place to our common share in the 
problems of the defense of the Pacific Ocean, which, 
washing the shores of both our countries, is destined to 
be the scene of momentous decisions affecting the future 
of the world. 

White Austraha, an ideal which seeks to maintain the 
racial purity of the continent of Austraha, and is the 
unanimously felt aspiration of the Australian people, 
needs little recommendation to the people of the United 
States. Almost inevitably, indeed, it is assured of the 



•support of a country facing difficult problems already- 
existing by reason of its diversity of peoples, and stoutly 
opposing the introduction within its borders of new 
problems of the kind. In AustraHa, however, the aim 
in view is not that of minimizing an already existent 
trouble but that of preventing the creation of one, 
while the root objection to the ahen is not so much his 
economic danger as his menace of an ideal. That ideal 
is an Austrahan nation of one origin, of common instincts, 
and of a single race-tradition. In it are wrapped up, 
necessarily, the economic factors of standards of life, 
or work, and of wage, but first and foremost it expresses 
the desire of AustraHans for the race-purity of their 
land through the estabUshment within a continent, for 
the first time in history, of the kindred peoples of the 
white race. 

This is an aspiration not easily to be reahzed. It is 
beset by the problem of a sufficient inflow of white 
population, by that of the development of vast tropical 
areas of a sort hitherto regarded as suited only to the 
labor of colored peoples, and it has to meet the dis- 
satisfaction of such peoples with a policy which excludes 
them. These without doubt are difficulties, but the 
whole history of AustraUa is a record of triumph over 
difficulties. 

For one thing, the ideal of a White Australia is very 
close to the heart of Australians, and their resolve to 
translate it into actual fact is of unshakeable weight and 
strength. For another thing, the problem of the peopHng 



of Australia is entering upon a new activity of migration 
effort which is the first care of the Government of Austra- 
lia and gives hope of successful issue, while the question 
of the development by whites of Austraha's tropical 
areas, not at all to be disposed of by unproved theories, 
and already favorably viewed by expert opinion of many 
kinds, cannot be decided without fuller investigation 
and in any case needs for its final decision that extension 
of railway communications within these areas which has 
been approved by the Government of AustraHa, and 
which is, as the provision of railway communications 
always has been, the indispensable prehminary to the 
development of still unproductive areas. 

That, in brief, is the position of the White Australia 
ideal. White Australia has the whole-hearted allegiance 
of every Austrahan, and AustraHans look confidently 
to the people of the United States for their understanding 
of a problem so nearly resembling one of their own, and 
for their sympathetic support of a cause with which they 
themselves and their own country are so closely con- 
cerned. 

The position of AustraUa in relation to the Pacific 
Ocean is so obvious as scarcely to need statement. But 
it cannot too often or too earnestly be urged that in the 
event of future war, the fate of the world in all human 
probabiHty will be decided, as the future of Australia 
quite certainly will be decided, upon the waters of that 
great sea. Nor can it be doubted that if the catastrophe 
of a naval war in the Pacific should come to pass, America 



no less than Australia will be involved in it. For these 
reasons we Australians are alive to the value of America's 
support in the measures we take for the defense of our 
shores, and we believe that America, in turn, welcomes 
Australia's activity in this matter as that of a friend and 
ally whose help would be of no small worth in such an 
hour of need. 

Austraha and America desire to remain at peace with 
all the world. But in our case we cannot forget the 
grave responsibility that rests upon us the farthest out- 
post of the British Empire, with half the population of 
the globe — 750,000,000 — living nearer to us than the 
nearest people of the European race, while a similarly 
grave responsibility attaches to America's position in 
the Pacific. 

Neglect of defensive preparation against the possibili- 
ties of an unknown future would, in respect of either of 
our countries, be criminal neglect on the vastest scale. 
Protective measures, on the other hand, are an elemen- 
tary duty. Without the slightest leaning toward 
offensive menace, with our whole weight upon the side of 
peace, America and Austraha and the whole world must 
face the possibihties of the Pacific; and there is no more 
promising way of safeguarding ourselves than that of 
consolidating into permanency the friendship and mutual 
esteem of Americans and Australians. It is a natural 
bond. It exists by reason of many attributes common 
to both peoples. And it is a bond suggestive of the value 
to the world of that wider spread and infinitely desirable 



solidarity, the friendly unity of the whole family of 
English-speaking peoples. 



^^r>yz:fi^ 



XXV 




Honorable William Massey 
Prime Minister, New Zealand 



Prime Minister's Office, 

Wellington, New Zealand 

No doubt Mr. Eagle, like many other travellers has 
learned that though the leaders of any nation or com- 
munity may be well informed about other countries, 
the masses, generally speaking, are not; and with that 
discovery has also come to him the knowledge of how 
enormously important it is, if there is to be understand- 
ing and mutual sympathy between two nations, that the 
people, the potential forces of the nations, should know 
more about each other. That very ignorance, under 
the clever manipulation of demagogues, may at any time 
become a terrible menace. 

For this reason one can welcome any book written 
with such an object as that which Mr. Eagle has before 
him, and I trust that his efforts will contribute very 
materially to the end he holds in view. 

It is one of the peculiar features of this age, that with 
all the marvels of invention and human enterprise in 
the dissemination of news and views, so very httle 
knowledge of outside affairs reaches the bulk of the 
people, or is readily available to those who in the daily 
stress of busy Hves, are unable to seek much beyond the 
newspapers or other channels of popular literature. 



It is not necessary here to pursue the cause of this condi- 
tion. I merely state the fact, and I am not alone in 
deploring it and desiring a dififerent state of affairs. 

In some degree the War has had its educational value. 
Our young, vigorous men crossed the seas in many thou- 
sands and came into contact with other ideas and civiliza- 
tions. This experience of course was common to all 
nations which sent troops abroad. Years will probably 
pass before we can be sure of what all the results of this 
will be, but they must be profound. 

The War also has brought the British race into close 
unity, and New Zealand, in common with kindred 
Dominions, has acquired a new status and importance in 
world affairs. It is to our advantage that these things 
should be presented as they appeal to intelligent writers 
who come amongst us. It goes without saying, also, 
that there is every reason for the closest mutual under- 
standing between two nations of the same stock, the 
same tongue, and the same ideas, and I trust that Mr. 
Eagle's book may be successful in assisting the achieve- 
ment of this object. 



^U^^^^^^-^ 




xxvm 




Sir James Craig 
Prime Minister, Northern Ireland 



Prime Minister's Office, 

Belfast, Ireland 

It is a great pleasure to me to send a cordial greeting 
to the people of the United States. No subjects of the 
British Empire have done more to help America than 
the hardy immigrants which Ulster has sent to play their 
parts in the New World. 

Men of the old Ulster stock have ever been among 
those who have honored names in America. These 
hardy pioneers served in the Army at Washington, 
crossed the AUeghenies in their rude ox-drawn wagons, 
struggled with hostile Indian tribes, and brought civili- 
zation into the heart of the Mississippi Valley. Ulster 
can never be a strange or foreign land to Americans. 

The Ulster of today is a new Ulster, taking up wide 
responsibilities of self government. She has a Parlia- 
ment, a Cabinet, and a set of laws all her own. She now 
takes a broader interest in international affairs. 

Of all questions there are few that lie closer to her 
heart than that of the complete trust and friendship of 
America with Britain. I sincerely hope nothing will 
ever arise to jeopardise this friendship. 

The ocean liners that launch at and pass her coasts 
hurrying away to America are typical of the community 



of interests that links together our future. In the 
material affairs of life we are partners. In the defense 
of liberty, the spread of education, the protection of the 
weak, the maintenances of law and justice, we are sworn 
comrades. 



y< 



^^v^n,*^ ^^ 



"7 



XXX 



THE HOPE OF THE FUTURE 



The Hope of the Future 

CHAPTER I 

Travels of an Average American 

This book is the voice of an average American. I am 
one of those who vote, pay taxes, attend the World's 
Base Ball Series, and read the Sunday newspapers even 
to the advertising. My birth and education were 
average, my career was like that of most Americans. 
I had no possible reason or excuse for writing a book 
until the day I boarded the steamer, " Empress of 
Russia," at Vancouver, bound for Japan, in the be- 
ginning of 1917. 

For the first time, I was going out of America, but I 
became so interested in the political, social and economic 
conditions of the countries I visited that soon my home- 
sickness disappeared, and I roamed the world for nearly 
five years. I can remember that at first I did not wish 
to go, because I felt that everything worth having lay 
in America — that this country was the center of busi- 
ness, art, and literature. My mind, in characteristic 
American fashion, had been trained to believe that when 
there was anything to be done we could do it best. The 
phrase " Biggest and Best " expressed my opinion of 
America in relation to the rest of the world. Not only 



4 The Hope of the Future 

did I refgard this as literally true, but I supposed that 
other nations had not only accepted this idea, but held 
it as firmly as did I. 

I have often tried since those early days to think how 
it was that I had this small-town notion so strongly 
rooted in my mind. I seem always to have held such an 
opinion. This mental attitude is, I believe, that of the 
majority of Americans. As Uttle children we are taught 
to believe that American ways are naturally best, and 
that we have really nothing to learn from foreigners. 

Now, there is nothing pecuHar to ourselves in this 
attitude. Every nation thinks, of course, that its ways 
are superior to those of other men. Destruction of this 
belief would shake the confidence of all citizens, and tend 
to undermine the proper pride and spirit of a nation. 
We in the United States, however, suffer more than our 
proper share of bumptiousness. Our country is so 
self-contained; we are so far removed from the other 
great powers; we see so many ignorant laborers from 
other lands coming to work in our mines and factories; 
that it is easy for us to swell with pride, and boast of 
our merits. 

This habit of self-esteem is so marked in Americans 
that it is probably the distinguishing trait by which we 
are recognized abroad. If an America!n does not begin 
to brag in the first few minutes of conversation with a 
foreigner, the latter thinks that there is something wrong 
with him — that, perhaps, he is not a real American, or 
that he is sick. 



Travels of an Average American 5 

When watching a group of foreigners listening politely 
to some American boasting about our skyscrapers and 
our Pullmans, I have often felt humihated. The Ameri- 
can may think that his audience is impressed by his talk, 
whereas it is merely amused at his vanity. He forgets 
that others may hate skyscrapers and that Pullman cars 
are taken, Uke pills, only when needed. 

In going abroad we should remember that it is the best 
of good sense and good manners to say Uttle about our 
own institutions unless asked for an opinion. We may 
beHeve what we hke about our national superiority, 
but braggadocio only wounds the feehngs of foreigners 
and sets them against us. America is far too great to 
be brought into ridicule in this way, and it is the fellow 
least qualified to speak who does all the talking; so 
the rest of the world is full of stories about our rudeness. 
An American is said to have visited a monastery in 
Italy where he was shown a candle whose light had been 
kept burning for three hundred years. The monks had 
watchied it every day and night during all that time, and 
carefully replaced each candle as it burned low. This 
light was their pride. The American, looking at the 
candle, could hardly believe any set of men would take 
so much trouble over so small a matter. He said: 
" Well, it's time it went out," and extinguished the Hght. 
To him this was merely a good joke. But what did the 
monks think of him, and of his country? 

While travelling around the globe, I learned that 
we ought to talk less about our greatness and rather 



6 The Hope of the Future 

endeavor to improve ourselves. Perhaps the best way 
of doing this is to study foreign nations, and discover 
whether they possess any quahties which we should 
imitate. If we find that they are superior to us in cer- 
tain respects, then it is mere stupid pride and obstinacy 
that will prevent our learning from them. Thousands 
of years ago, the Medes and Persians thought that they 
had reached such a state of perfection that they had 
nothing more to learn from any one. CiviUzation has 
moved a long way since that time, and all the laws and 
customs of which they were inordinately proud have 
vanished so completely that most of us could not explain 
what they were. Yet we Americans have inherited 
their foolish notion that we have nothing to learn, 
a notion which is the mark of unenlightened men 
everywhere. 

It was my desire, when I first thought of writing this 
book, to draw a description of the countries and people 
I had visited. Among these places were China and 
Japan, Australia and New Zealand, Siberia, the Philip- 
pines, the Dutch East Indies, the Federated Malay 
States, Ceylon, Burma, Borneo, and ultimately Europe. 
After remaining a year in England, my mind kept going 
back to the lands under British rule as I had seen them 
in the strain of war and perplexed over questions of 
peace. I began to think again of my school days. I 
remembered how I had then thought, as millions of 
my countrymen have thought, that the British were 
tyrants, imposing, a hated rule on weaker nations every- 



Travels of an Average American 7 

where and that the British Empire was full of subject 
races groaning under an oppressive yoke. 

Then I decided that it was my duty to tell of things 
as I had seen them, and to try to clear away the clouds of 
misinformation and prejudice which keep us from under- 
standing the British and appreciating what fine fellows 
they are. I also wished to urge upon Americans the 
necessity of cultivating politeness and tact. I want 
every American to feel that his country is being judged 
by his conduct, that the conduct of a few irresponsible 
travellers may create an unfortunate impression which 
will count heavily and unfairly against us in some interna- 
tional crisis, of the future. 

The friendship of one nation for another depends, after 
all, upon the ideas that have been gathered by millions 
of humble individuals from such representatives of the 
other nation as they have met, and from the long list 
of newspaper stories that they have read, but whose 
details they have quite forgotten. 

Here we have both my reason and my excuse. I 
think we are all in the same boat, and should, therefore, 
pull together. That is why I, a " Yankee," write to 
explain the " Britisher " to Uncle Sam. This task is 
necessary, since Uncle Sam never fails to explain himself 
to others. 



CHAPTER II 

The British Empire in the East 

If a traveller who knew nothing of the history of the 
last two hundred years were to make a careful study of 
the life and conditions of Southern and Eastern Asia, 
he would see at first that very great advances in material 
prosperity have occurred in all its different parts. He 
would see that irrigation canals now bring the flood 
waters of the Indian rivers to nourish the wheat of the 
Punjab; that the swarms of pilgrims that visit India's 
holy places no longer toil painfully along under the burn- 
ing sun or measure their length in the dust of the highway 
an infinite number of times. Their modern method of 
pilgrimage is to ride fourth class in box cars upon the 
network of railways that cover the East, where cheerful 
labels announce that the cars are built to carry twelve 
horses, thirty-two sheep, or forty pilgrims. 

Immense factories are humming, the docks of the 
ports are crowded with the shipping of every nation; 
the hillsides are covered with tea plantations; the 
jungles are planted to rubber; elephants are pulHng 
logs of rare tropical wood in the swamps of Burma; 
Chinese cooHes are mining tin in the Malay States; 
the natives of nearly every island in the Southern Seas 
are gathering copra that will later appear as soap, 



The British Empire in the East 9 

margarine, or glycerine. A great part of Asia is now 
bound together in a busy industrial mechanism bringing 
comfort and happiness that reach almost every one in 
the world. 

All this busy life seems to be protected by a wise code 
of law; there is security and justice for each man, black, 
white, or yellow. The farmer sows his grain with the 
certain knowledge that he will be permitted to reap it; 
the merchant enters into contracts because property and 
life are both under government protection; and yet this 
rule of law is maintained over vast areas, mi;xed popula- 
tions, rival religious systems, with a minimum of force. 
Hardly a soldier is to be seen, the government so well dis- 
charges its duties that it is in little evidence, the highest 
test of a successful administration. 

It is only after a careful search and a painstaking 
investigation that the traveller discovers that the whole 
of the government, the directing intelligence of the fac- 
tory, the bank, and the plantation, is a small body of 
quite inconspicuous men, modestly paid for the most 
part, but filled with a keen sense of duty to the people 
whom they serve. These are the representatives of 
Britain in the East. 

I beheve it is not too much to say that the British 
civil servants in the outlying parts of the Empire have 
set a higher standard of service than the pro-consuls of 
any other government in history. They are men of 
education, of practical ability. In America they would 
be successful in the business world, but their reward is 



10 The Hope of the Future 

in the gratitude of the population they administer and 
in the deep sense of pride which they feel in taking part 
in such a mighty task. They have the privilege of 
knowing that they have left a mark upon vast portions 
of the earth's surface. 

It has been the fashion among many Americans to 
abuse the British as land grabbers. They have often 
been shown in cartoons as mercenary, selfish, seekers after 
power. It is true that they love power. They have an 
instinct, just as we Americans have, that leads them to 
attempt great adventures. It is, however, grossly 
unfair for us to accuse the British of taking by force the 
property of other nations. Much of their territory in 
the East came to them as the result of struggles with 
other European powers in which both sides were fighting 
for their very existence. Much also came as the result 
of peaceful cession and bargaining, just as we acquired 
Alaska. Some land they took which had never before 
been held by any race that could be called civihzed. 

Some of the most valuable parts of the Empire today 
were created by the British, from land that every one 
else had passed by as worthless. Hong Kong was a 
barren rock in the ocean inhabited by a few fisher folk; 
Bombay and Singapore were islands almost uninhabited, 
Calcutta was nothing more than a swamp. These four 
great cities now have almost a milHon inhabitants each. 
They are the commercial centers of their section of the 
world. The British did not steal them from any one; 
they created them just as truly as we created New York 



The British Empire in the East 11 

or Chicago. How many Americans who call the British 
" tyrants," know this? 

To be sure, there are millions of people living in these 
cities who are decidedly not of British race, but they 
would never have come there had it not been for the 
protection afforded by British rule! That rule made 
possible the growth of industry, the increase of popula- 
tion, the banishment of famine and of tribal wars. 
Modern methods of industry were introduced by the 
British, and a standard of moral conduct higher than 
had been known before, a standard of honesty, the only 
basis upon which modern complex business operations 
can be conducted. 

Another common misconception in America is that 
Britain is a blood-sucker, draining rich revenues from 
the toiling natives of the East. This idea is fantastic. 
The facts are rather the other way. The money raised 
by taxation in the Dependencies of the Empire goes 
without exception to defray local expenditure. Eng- 
land learned a lesson in the American War of Inde- 
pendence that she has never since forgotten. But any 
new or unusual call for money, as for example in a war, 
falls upon the British taxpayer. He must ultimately 
bear the burden of any debt or losses in administration 
all over the Empire; but if prosperity comes and there 
is a government surplus, it all goes to benefit the place 
where it occurred; not a penny comes to Britain. How 
many Americans know this? 

Sceptics may shake their head knowingly, but the fact 



12 The Hope of the Future 

remains that the Empire has only been an expense to 
the British Government. It has never been a money- 
maker. But, one may say, there are indirect advantages 
that compensate individual Britons for their Govern- 
ment's outlay. It is true that British business men have 
made large profits by trading in the Empire. But they 
have not been the only ones to do so. Foreign business 
houses are perfectly free to trade and they do trade all 
over the Empire. An American may go anywhere, his 
life and property are made safe, immense markets have 
been created with which he is free to carry on business. 
The various races have been taught to conduct their 
transactions in the English language; so that he does 
not even have to learn any foreign tongue. All this 
does not even cost the American or his government any 
outlay in money or in men. England carries the burden. 
We share in the profits, but not in the responsibilities. 
From the standpoint of a fair-minded American business 
man, the British Empire is a philanthropic institution 
that might have been designed for his especial benefit. 

The only direct money payment to Britons from the 
Empire lies in the salaries paid to civil and military 
officials, in the fees for the services of British profes- 
sional men and in general for the payment of services 
individual Britishers render. In order to measure the 
justice of these payments we must first ask whether the 
payment is excessive. The answer must be that it is 
not. No other country is in a position to supply men 
of equal abihty. The training of centuries has produced 



The British Empire in the East 13 

such splendid results that other nations are far behind 
Britain in the quahty of the men who staff their Colonial 
administrations. These men could earn more money 
in other fields of Ufe. It is their tradition and training, 
their sense of patriotic duty that keep them in the service 
of the Empire. 

The British have earned their place in the East by 
merit and long years of faithful work. Great Britain is 
loyal and just to those alien people to whom she extends 
liberty and a measure of prosperity not known under 
their own native rule. If there are disturbances in 
India, Singapore or Hong Kong, it is British lives and 
gold and not American, which are sacrificed in behalf 
of peace, justice and prosperity. No American should 
fail to give honest praise to these people to whom we are 
so greatly indebted. 



CHAPTER III 

The Education of an Englishman 

In the last chapter I spoke of the moral basis of the 
Empire. We shall never understand the principles that 
lie at the root of it until we examine British home life 
and see how from childhood these people have been 
conscious of a duty to the world. In the life of a boy 
from a British middle-class home the choice of a career is 
a very serious issue. In almost every family there is 
one boy set apart for life abroad. Parents feel a solemn 
pride in sending their sons and daughters to be repre- 
sentatives of Britain in the outside world. 

That all the family cannot stay at home is looked 
upon as a matter of course; there is not room for them 
in Great Britain. So every one takes a much greater 
interest than we do in foreign nations and in events that 
happen all over the world. For this reason London is 
the center of the world's news; it is there that the most 
rehable information is to be found from all parts of the 
globe, whether of commercial, scientific, political, or 
of merely general interest. The young men of Great 
Britain get a better education in foreign languages, 
foreign politics, foreign manners and customs, than, 
do ours. 



The Education of an Englishman 15 

They feel from very early years that there is nothing 
abnormal in going abroad to Hve, and that they are really 
citizens of the world. They almost have a sense of 
responsibiUty for the happiness and well-being of other 
nations, a sort of national noblesse oblige. This is very 
different from the attitude of the French, who are 
passionately fond of their country and miserable when 
away from it. As colonizers, they have not been a 
great success because every Frenchman turned his 
thoughts to Paris and could not bring himself to Hve all 
his days in his foreign land. 

The Briton has come to feel that all the world is his 
home, that he may bring his own atmosphere with him 
wherever he may go. " England has her Empire, France 
has the Champs Elysses." The affection and care 
which France has lavished upon her Capital has by 
Britain been directed to benefit the whole world. 

When any one goes to another land it becomes neces- 
sary to decide what habits of hfe he may change in order 
to adjust himself to the new conditions, and what he 
may not change, without losing his self-respect or his 
identity. The British have a happy faculty of adhering 
to their principles and important standards of conduct 
when abroad, while at the same time yielding pleasantly 
in small matters of taste and local custom. They per- 
sist in a few customs that we may think absurd, but which 
are of more importance than first appears. 

For example, the EngHshman of the upper classes will 
dress for dinner in the desert or alone in a jungle hut. 



16 The Hope of the Future 

He preserves the daily bath and the dinner jacket as 
parts of a rehgious ritual. But this is not so absurd as 
it seems. In fact, it is the very truest psychology. 
These little matters of form are li,nks with civiHzation; 
they prevent man from sinking to the mere animal no 
matter what his surroundings may be; they present a 
barrier to the mixing of races and help to keep pure the 
Anglo-Saxon strain even in the tropics. 

Yet in the small affairs of every-day life the British 
are most tolerant of foreign ways. They accept readily 
the customs of the country and do not make their travels 
miserable by forever complaining that things are not 
like what " Mother used to make." How many Ameri- 
cans have had a wretched experience in travelling over 
Europe, because they could not forget that the coffee 
was poor, that portions of ice-cream and bathtubs 
were undersized and dirty. As long as Americans feel 
that they must keep up with events on the " Great 
White Way," that they can never cut themselves off 
from the latest in " movie " or newspaper sensations, so 
long will America fail to exert any important influence 
outside her frontiers; she will be walled-in by the preju- 
dices of her own small-minded citizens. 

When a young man goes abroad to make his fortune 
the blow falls hardest upon those left at home. This is 
the tragedy of thousands of British homes, where lonely 
parents try to console themselves by thinking of the 
wonderful things their boy is going to accomplish in 
foreign lands. The mothers of Great Britain have had 



The Education of an Englishman 17 

to suffer in order that the Empire shall " Carry on." 
They have tried to cultivate a Spartan or Roman self- 
discipline. 

For generations the boys of the upper (and more 
lately of the middle-class) have left home at an early 
age, it used to be eight or nine in many cases, for their 
education at a " Public School." They come from the 
very best families of the land, but on arrival at school 
each youngster has to fetch and carry for his seniors. 
These little " Tom Browns " are compelled to clean 
the rooms, black the boots, and run errands for the older 
boys. No new comer is exempt from this duty, no 
matter what his rank. The severity of this system, as 
practised fifty years ago, has been slightly lessened, but 
the same principle remains. The British beUeve that 
only boys who have been through such a rigorous course 
of school discipline and have learned to serve others 
can be trusted later to rule millions of men of alien race. 

These boys are not only taught to be strong and just, 
but they are poUte and thoughtful. I was travelling in a 
railway carriage in England recently, with a number of 
these Public School boys on their way back from vaca- 
tion. Their ages were from nine to fourteen. They 
were as courteous to one another as any party of older 
men could have been. When one wished to raise or 
lower a window he asked the others poHtely, " Do you 
mind? " Imagine a party of American boys of that age 
showing consideration for the feehngs of one another 
in that way! 



18 The Hope of the Future 

I talked to one little fellow, eleven years old. He 
was greatly interested in the construction of battle-ships 
and told me much about the design of the latest Ameri- 
can war-ships; much more indeed than I could under- 
stand. His name was Robert Dorrien-Smith, his father 
is the governor of the Scilly Isles. I asked him what the 
people on the islands called his father, he replied; " They 
call him King." '* Does he like that? " I asked. " No, 
he disHkes it heartily." I expect to see my friend, 
Robert, in an important position in the British govern- 
ment some day. 

It is not only the boys in the Public Schools that are 
well behaved. All children are better mannered than 
American boys and girls. If one asks any small boy in 
the street to give some desired information, the chances 
are that he will walk some distance out of his way to give 
assistance and will invariably say, " Sir," when address- 
ing an older person. 

I have never seen small boys throwing stones at 
windows in England, stealing fruit, or being chased by 
policemen. Such things happen there, I suppose, but 
they do not occur often and are not considered a neces- 
sary part of every boy's career. Yet we must not think 
that the boys of Britain are " Sissies " merely because 
they know how to behave. They play foot-ball almost 
all the year round and are as rugged and healthy youths 
as one could wish to see. 

One reason for their sturdiness is plain wholesome 
food, with not nearly the amount of candy that we are 



The Education of an Englishman 19 

accustomed to feed our children. They Hve in the fresh 
air the year round, and are clothed lightly. When I 
first came to England I was very sorry for the children 
that I saw playing in the rain on a cold winter day, 
their httle bare legs blue with cold. I still think they 
must be rather uncomfortable, but the fact remains that 
British children are extremely healthy, and the EngHsh 
death rate is one of the lowest in the world. 



CHAPTER IV 
Playing the Game 

The British probably take more pride in their tradi- 
tions of sport than in any of their other characteristics. 
After all, it is only the few who are deeply interested in 
business, but sport lies close to the heart of nearly every 
one of them. They feel that it is somehow symbolic of 
the quahties that have made them great, and that they 
must maintain their code of honor in the playing field 
no matter what else they may lose. It was very impres- 
sive to observe how the nation in the midst of tremendous 
industrial struggles in the period after the War, turned 
to playing games with a devotion that surpassed that of 
the days of peace. 

Some critics say that this is a sign of growing degener- 
acy and decay. They point to the fondness of the 
Roman crowds for the spectacles of the Arena at the 
time when Rome was losing the vigor of her early days. 
I doubt whether this is an accurate parallel, for the Brit- 
ish flock to play games as well as to watch them. At 
any rate, the British are likely to keep on with their 
sports in spite of what critics may say about them. 

The most popular professional game is Association 
football, or " Soccer." This is played by every class in 
England, but is really a poor man's game. Most of the 



Playing the Game 21 

followers of the various city teams are working men. 
The crowds at this game are the largest that attend any- 
game in the world, dwarfing the attendance at our base- 
ball or football events. A crowd of over a hundred 
thousand is common in the larger cities. In the place 
it holds in the Ufe of the masses, " Soccer " can well be 
compared to American baseball. 

In the industrial districts of Lancashire and York- 
shire, the miners and factory operatives are fond of 
racing small dogs called " Whippets." Many a miner, 
when his hours of work are over, spends his spare time 
in exercising his racing dogs. Sundays and holidays 
are given over to this sport, and the idle days during a 
strike cause a great boom in such racing. 

The upper and middle classes play tennis, golf, cricket 
and Rugby football, from which our American game has 
been developed. It is still possible to see fox hunting 
in the more quiet counties of England; although during 
the financial crisis experienced by many old families 
during and since the War, the practice has in many cases 
been given up. Rowing is popular on the small placid 
rivers, which we would think too small to be suitable for 
even the shallowest of boats. However, the streams are 
carefully tended, the channels are deepened where 
necessary, and they present a lively picture in the Spring, 
covered with smaU punts and canoes; their occupants 
carrying toy balloons and generous lunches. There 
is no happier life than the English River Life. 

The greatest and most famous sport is of course 



22 The Hope of the Future 

racing, and the year is filled with important meetings. 
Some are of only local interest but others attract visitors 
from all over Europe and America. Everybody has 
heard of the Derby. This is held on the first of June, and 
is the biggest event of the sporting year. The Grand 
National Steeplechase, and the Ascot week of racing 
are only less famous. For weeks in advance, they are 
the topics of conversation and occupy the thoughts of 
the people more completely, I believe, than in any 
other country. It seems that all England has a personal 
interest in these races. Most people have at least half 
a crown invested on their fancy, even the very poorest 
manage to save a small sum for the purpose. It is 
needless to say that the bookmakers manage to collar 
most of this money. 

It is not the kind of games they play but the way in 
which players and spectators behave, that is most 
significant to Americans. The British play hard. I 
have just said that they take sport seriously, even too 
seriously, but they do not think it necessary to cheat in 
order to win. They scrupulously avoid the shghtest 
suspicion of unfair tactics. What is more remarkable is 
the fact that the spectators are equally fair and gentle- 
manly in their behavior. 

Wherever the British play it is an axiom that the visit- 
ing team is to have the benefit of any doubt. The home 
crowd are so anxious to be fair that they often give more 
applause to their opponents than to their own side. 
Each set of players are more anxious to give the other a 



Playing the Game 23 

square deal than they are to win. If a doubtful point 
occurs both teams try to give the advantage to their 
opponents. It is almost unheard of to jeer at a misplay 
of the other side or to complain at a decision of the 
referee. 

This desire to be fair is carried to lengths, which 
we would consider quixotic. The British have the 
feeling that our elaborate methods of training before the 
games are not quite sporting. They have no training 
tables, very few professional coaches, and they neglect 
some of the elementary rules of health in consequence. 
I have seen university athletes who have been running 
in a hard race, like the two mile, standing about in a cold 
winter drizzle watching other contests for an hour or so. 
In America the coach would have bundled them off to 
the club-house for a hot bath and a rub-down. As a 
result of this lack of system the British often fail to do 
their best in international contests. 

The British are right when they think that sport is a 
commanding factor in their lives. They have the feeUng 
that life itself is only a game and that we must play as 
fairly as we know how, that the spirit in which we work 
and play is the essential, and not merely the fact that 
we have beaten somebody. They have taken over into 
business and politics, even into war, the spirit of their 
games. They are not in such a desperate hurry to get 
on as we are. If we argue about it, they say, " Why 
should we live at high pressure always? We will go 
more slowly and enjoy ourselves the while." 



24 The Hope of the Future 

In London the business man never goes to his office on 
Saturday. He plays golf or attends a house-party in 
the country. Often the head man does not again report 
for work till Tuesday. He gets less done than we do, 
although not so much less as one might think. But he is 
living all the time. He is not making himself into a 
mere shell of a man by crushing out all interests except 
those concerned with money making. 

The result of this difference in Hving becomes apparent 
in the older men. The young look much the same in 
every country, but, after reaching fifty, the man who 
has known nothing but his business begins to go to 
pieces. If he has never taken proper exercise he becomes 
grossly fat or else weazened and bent. If he has no 
interest in the world outside of his own particular field 
of work, his mind cannot travel in other directions. 
No sum of money will make him into a real human being 
again. 

It is at this age that the Briton shows the benefits of 
his life of hard exercise and varied interests. During 
youth and middle age he holds himself in a rigid, almost 
military, discipline. He keeps fit at all times as though 
it were his religious duty. He has trained himself to 
carry not an ounce of unwholesome fat, and to this end 
he eats sparingly and plays regularly. In his later 
years he retains his good looks, and remains trim and 
upright, walking like a young man, and taking an interest 
in all the affairs of the day. Frequently he seems 
twen ty years younger than the American business man 



Playing the Game 25 

of the same age, who has lost the abiUty to do anything 
except his routine job. 

Perhaps men take better care of themselves in England 
because they realize that they are relatively scarce and 
that they command a premium in Society. This fact 
would strike a stranger at an English social gathering — 
that is the absence of men. At a ball it is most curious 
to see old men dancing with the youngest and prettiest 
girls in the room. Women outnumber men and since 
the War this is more than ever noticeable. The latest 
census figures for England and Scotland disclose a 
surplus of more than two million women. This 
means that so many will have to live without hope of 
marriage. 

Men have a wonderful position in England. Among 
the upper classes they are almost worshipped. The most 
popular figure in England today, I might as well say 
in the whole Empire is a young man, the Prince of 
Wales. He can hardly appear in public without being 
swept off his feet by the eager throng of admirers. I 
think this is perhaps because he embodies the spirit of 
youth to a people who are wearied of war and diplomatic 
bargaining. 

He has natural charm and simplicity of manner. 
He represents the new relations of the Dominions to 
their Motherland. The prominent folk in public life 
have been touched by the War. They will always be 
associated in the minds of this generation with the 
difficulties of the present. The Prince of Wales stands 



26 The Hope of the Future 

for the future, for unity of the English-speaking Peoples, 
for friendship and frankness in international dealings. 
He is the center around which all the hopes of Britain 
are crystaHzed. 



CHAPTER V 

English Law and American 

British respect for law has always excited the admira- 
tion of foreigners. It is a deep seated, fundamental 
racial instinct bred in the bone after many centm'ies of 
obedience to a legal system which has retained its identity 
during all the recorded history of the British people. 
It is not a respect for laws, many of which are violently 
unpopular; not a respect for the officials who administer 
the laws — very often these have been held in contempt. 
It is an instinctive adherence to the principles of the 
ancient Common Law of the land and in particular to 
the principle that this law supersedes the actions and 
wishes of any individual, be he private citizen, govern- 
ment official, or the King himself. 

The Common Law is perhaps the most valuable single 
possession of the English-speaking peoples. It has 
become a part of our thinking, and is largely our practi- 
cal standard of moral conduct. In Great Britain it has 
a tremendous hold upon the minds of men. When 
young Englishmen were sent out to the Soudan as 
judges, they came into a country where law was in such 
an unformed state that there existed no real body of 
local rules and precedents to guide their decisions. 



28 The Hope of the Future 

They were instructed by the Foreign Office to base their 
decisions upon the principles of natural right and justice. 
After some years it was found that the code they had 
built was almost identical with the Common Law. The 
old legal system had so completely dominated their 
minds that no other scheme of law seemed right or 
natural. 

Most modern European nations trace their laws to 
some code or to the acts of some individual ruler. Many 
of these codes are of recent date. It is possible to argue 
about and discuss them. For example, the Code 
Napoleon can never be entirely separated in our minds 
from the personality of its maker. The Common Law 
is antecedent to discussion and disagreement. It was 
already venerable when first expressed in written form. 
To this day it has never been codified, and this element 
of vagueness and of unmeasured bulk imparts to it 
an added dignity. 

In Britain every one alike is subject to this law. 
It holds equal sway over rich and poor, the minister of 
the Crown, and the ordinary civilian. In most Conti- 
nental countries there is a special body of Administra- 
tive Law which governs the actions of public officials, 
and separate courts exist for them in which this law is 
applied. In England, under the Common Law, the 
policeman who makes a false arrest, the officer who 
orders his men to fire on a mob, all are liable to be 
brought into the ordinary civil courts and made to face 
the consequences of their actions. 



English Law and American 29 

Thus there is no privileged official class in the state, 
no man can be deprived of his life, property, his freedom 
of speech, by an arbitrary government. These are the 
ancient rights of Englishmen which we in America fought 
to secure for ourselves. We obtained these rights 
through the War for Independence, but ever since 
that time Britain has freely granted them to her 
Colonies. 

This respect for law shows itself in the orderly charac- 
ter of the people. There is very Httle crime in Great 
Britain, whether small offences or felonies. Last year 
there were fewer cases of murder in the whole of Great 
Britain than in the city of Chicago! We have been 
living an unnatural fevered existence, our people seem 
more likely to commit crime in a fit of passion. The 
same lack of control and disregard for law that makes 
our children ill mannered, allows us to break the law 
when we become adults. We are much too flippant 
about lawbreaking, it should never be held before chil- 
dren as an admirable course. Our disrespect for the 
law in America arises partly from the fact that we feel 
that this law often makes mistakes and frequently 
takes too long to reach decisions. 

We sometimes laugh at British courts of justice with 
their bewigged judges and barristers. We pride our- 
selves on our good sense in having cast away the old 
mediaeval trappings, whereas in reality we have pre- 
served much more of the old forms than have the British. 
At first glance British law courts may seem old-fashioned, 



30 The Hope of the Future 

but they were altered fifty years ago. The ancient rules 
of pleading and forms of action were abolished, and the 
court procedure was made speedy and efficient. An 
EngUsh court will decide half a dozen cases in a morning 
while we in America would have spent all that time 
selecting the jury for the first case. 

The reason for this is that we have only altered our 
dress and minor details. We have introduced cuspidors 
into our courtrooms instead of snuff boxes. In the 
important matters such as choosing a jury, examining 
witnesses, and filing legal documents, we have the same 
procedure today as the British had one hundred years 
ago. They have had the good sense to modernize their 
courts, while we, who pride ourselves on being the 
" Twentieth Century Nation " are still continuing in 
the way we learned from England before 1776. 

One reason for the slowness of our legal proceedings is 
the consta,nt attempt by our lawyers to introduce irrele- 
vant material that they feel may help their side, and the 
consequent interruptions by the other attorney repre- 
senting the " opposition." In Britain there exists a 
code of honor among lawyers which prevents them from 
acting as we do. The word of a barrister is taken by 
the judge without even putting the oath. In America 
no one would think of believing the unsupported testi- 
mony of a lawyer who was interested in the case, but the 
British lawyers have such professional pride that they 
would ostracize one of their number who was caught in 
a false statement. This high standard of honor enables 



English Law and American 31 

them to proceed at once to the important points in any 
case without wasting the time that we do over techni- 
cahties. 

Justice moves swiftly, therefore, there is very httle 
law-breaking in Great Britain. With the law held in 
great respect, it is not necessary for the police to spend 
their days and nights in the pursuit of criminals. Hence 
they are free to become the friendly advisers of anyone 
in trouble. To a stranger, the London police are amaz- 
ing. You may find them everywhere, always polite 
and considerate, full of desired information on the most 
varied of subjects. They are helping some one con- 
stantly but are never too busy to help just one person 
more. It is impossible to think of their being used as a 
pohtical machine and drumming up votes for their 
party on election day. 

This freedom and safety of the person has developed 
a belief in the importance of the individual. The 
Briton has a sense of his own dignity that often appears 
comical to us. What we ought to remember is, that he 
has an equal respect for the dignity of others. He has 
an enormous shyness about intruding in the private 
affairs of his acquaintances, and maintains a correspond- 
ing resentment against the man who tries to invade his 
privacy. 

Emerson once said, " Every Englishman is an island." 
He referred to the fact that the Englishman will never 
reveal himself even to his closest friends, as other people 
apparently yearn to do. He never talks about his 



32 The Hope of the Future 

private affairs for fear that they might bore his friends, 
and from a general disHke of appearing a " bounder "; 
he never speaks of his wife and children except in answer 
to questions; he is extremely self-conscious and often 
makes himself uncomfortable by marking characteristics 
of behavior that only a woman would notice in America. 

I beheve that this extreme of dignity and good manners 
is carried too far. The British would get much more 
enjoyment out of life if they could forget once in awhile 
their decorum and let their natural good humor have 
full swing. However, they are the chief losers by this 
exaggerated self-consciousness; to others they appear 
considerate and tactful. We have sometimes thought of 
them as conceited. It is more accurate to consider them 
shy and tongue-tied in the face of the cataract of con- 
versation with which many Americans sweep all before 
them. A proper proportion of British restraint, com- 
bined with a lower degree of American conviviality 
might unite to produce the ideal type of social being. 

It is a fascinating study to observe how British 
characteristics have been modified in various ways in 
the different Dominions. All the members of the race 
have certain common traits that will always show their 
common origin; yet new nationalities within the Empire 
have been growing up, that though similar have an 
individuality of their own. 

Canada shows the influence of both Great Britain 
and the United States. South Africa has the Dutch 
strain very predominant, but Australia and New Zealand 



English Law and American 33 

are almost entirely British in origin and development. 
The influence of cHmate and local circumstances has 
created new types of British people that ought to be 
better known by Americans. 



CHAPTER VI 

New Zealand 

The only country I have visited where both its natural 
beauties and its people caused me to feel myself in a 
veritable Paradise on earth was New Zealand. To 
many people, not only in America, but in Britain also, 
New Zealand, that small yet beautiful outermost ram- 
part of the British Empire is known only as a small 
group of islands near Australia, or as one of the group 
that go to make up Australasia. These terms may 
accurately suggest the relative size and geographical 
position of the Dominion, but they give only a poor 
indication of the distinct nationality of the people; 
of their pride in that distinct nationality; of their 
independence of thought and character; and of their 
vision of a future greatness. The term Australasia is 
not popular in New Zealand or with New Zealanders 
abroad, when applied to them or to their country. They 
always refer to New Zealand and Australia by their 
separate names, not because of any antipathy towards 
Australia, but because of an intense pride in their own 
little country and in their nationality. As time goes on 
and the two communities grow in population and impor- 
tance, there may arise a closer Unking of their interests 
and destinies for the purposes of mutual defense and 



New Zealand 35 

commerce; but I doubt if, even then, the individuahty 
of the New Zealander will be materially affected. 

At present the serious need of the Dominion is popula- 
tion. Though only one seventh smaller than Great 
Britain and Ireland and, though equally fertile and 
capable of sustaining human life. New Zealand contains 
little more than a miUion and a quarter people. Yet 
the average New Zealander (and the poHcy of the govern- 
ment generally follows closely the average line of thought) 
prefers to move slowly in admitting new settlers rather 
than to open the ports to any flood tide of promiscuous 
immigration. 

According to the Dominion laws, none but selected 
European immigrants may enter, and of the Eastern 
and Negro races only such as can obtain permission. 
The country from earliest days has held this policy, the 
result of which is shown by the class of people who now 
dwell there. The average New Zealander will hear no 
argument against this poHcy, even though its effects 
upon population be pointed out. He is firm in his 
conviction that his country is to remain as racially pure 
as possible and certainly " white," and after all, can he 
not refer to the unfortunate experience of other countries, 
including America, to support him? Only a tiny 
stream of settlers filters into New Zealand from outside, 
but the natural rate of increase on account of the low 
death rate is among the highest of those countries which 
keep statistics on the subject. 

The outcome of her immigration policy is that New 



36 The Hope of the Future 

Zealand, of all overseas countries, retains the closest 
resemblance to the home land. There you see the true 
British traits strongly developed; an intense, though 
perhaps concealed, patriotism for the King and Empire; 
a quiet, confident exterior; an apparent aloofness and 
reserve in character; yet a hearty readiness to extend 
genuine hospitality to strangers to whom they " take " — 
such hospitality as can be surpassed nowhere. The 
young men coming on are " chips of the old block," 
they evinced the fact in stubbornness, tenacity, and grim 
purpose in the face of odds in Gallipoli, France, and 
elsewhere. In at least two decisive miUtary actions in 
France the New Zealand Division was given posts of the 
greatest honor. A well known historian who visited 
the men in France applied to them the title of the " Silent 
Division," — which indicates surely the perpetuation of 
another British trait. The islands themselves were 
equally stoical during the war, the people cheerfully 
consenting to a poHcy of conscription (though I under- 
stand that this was done in order that the unwilling few, 
very few, should not escape service). They provided 
the sinews of war to an enormous extent for a country 
with so small a population, and voluntarily contributed 
the sum of five millions sterling for charitable and other 
purposes. One tenth of the people took the field. 
These facts, better than any descriptive prose give some 
idea of the character of the inhabitants of these fortunate 
isles and of the foundation stock from which one of the 
future nations of the Pacific will spring. 



New Zealand 37 

One healthy feature in the distribution of population 
is the fact that the cities do not contain more than a fair 
proportion of the people. In this respect the Dominion 
differs greatly from the Commonwealth of Australia. 
The four principal cities, Auckland, Wellington, Christ 
Church, and Dunedin, between them have not more 
than 400,000. Factories do not yet exist to any extent 
in New Zealand. Primary production is the chief 
source of industry. This stimulates the growth of 
small towns and distributes them liberally throughout 
the Dominion. It is probable that this condition of 
affairs will always remain, even should the plentiful 
mineral resources of the islands be developed in the near 
future, and industries spring into existence. It is this 
equable distribution of the people that keeps the balance 
in matters political. In the minds of some of those who 
have a passing acquaintance with her experimental 
legislation of a couple of decades ago, New Zealand is 
believed to be a socialistic and labor paradise. This is a 
mistake, for, though democratic in spirit and in ideal, 
the country gives httle support to out and out Socialists 
and extreme labor advocates. 

New Zealand will never, at least in the near future, 
become ultra-Socialistic, or provide a happy hunting 
ground for the extremist. The loyalty of the New 
Zealander, his innate attachment to King, Empire, and 
the British Constitution, which he considers the freest in 
the world, will not permit him to subscribe to principles 
in conflict with these institutions. 



38 The Hope of the Future 

As sportsmen and active participants in the most 
vigorous games the New Zealanders are known every- 
where. Probably in no other country of the world is 
sport so universally clean. Here the amateur has com- 
plete sway; professionalism is almost entirely absent. 
Betting on athletic grounds is strictly illegal. Rugby 
football is the national game and from babyhood the 
boys take to it as ducks to water. Yet even in this game, 
keen though the contests are (as keen as any base ball 
competition) the authorities rigidly guard the amateur 
status. Any suggestion of the acceptance of a fee by 
any outstanding player, or even the enticement of a 
special job to play for any district or club, means exhaus- 
tive investigation and, if guilt is proved, disquahfica- 
tion. It is the same in other branches of sport, in many 
of which the New Zealanders excel and from time to 
time have produced world's champions. 

With so many beautiful harbours, most of them virtu- 
ally land locked, yachting is one of the favorite pastimes. 
Fishing in the numerous rivers and around the coasts 
makes the country ideal for the disciples of Isaak Walton. 
In the bush clad mountains range many deer, as well as 
elk and moose, which, introduced into the South Island 
fastnesses some years ago, have thrived and produced 
progeny larger than those in their native American 
haunts. 

Like Australia, New Zealand is devoted to horse rac- 
ing. It is said that there is a race meeting for every 
day of the year in the Dominion. Betting, which is 



New Zealand 39 

no more absent than in other countries, is legally con- 
fined to the race courses, where the totalisator, a mechani- 
cal betting medium, is the only authorized means of 
investment. Book makers, though they exist, are 
legally non-existent, and no betting by telegraph, 
telephone, or any other means is permitted away from 
the course on which the meeting is being held. Whether 
this idea has been a success is quite another matter. 
It has been said and by New Zealanders themselves 
that betting is their national sin. 

With a perpetual call to field and harbour, the New 
Zealander is by nature, a comparatively clean liver. 
Vice is not apparent. The free sale of liquor which we 
usually associate with vice continues there and the New 
Zealander drinks his full share of beer and spirits. The 
country has repeatedly rejected Prohibition; the ques- 
tion comes up for decision each triennial election, and 
some districts have exercised their rights of local option. 
Certainly the sale of liquor is not permitted except with 
meals after six P.M. There is no " Night Life " as the 
term is understood in older countries, and after ten 
o'clock the streets are virtually deserted. It may fairly 
be said that the New Zealander lives a more wholesome 
life than that of any other people in the world. 

No visitor can fail to be struck by the kindly hospital- 
ity and the frank cordiaHty of the people, once their 
outer coat of reserve is penetrated. They may be shy 
at first; they instinctively distrust " gush," but a friend- 
ship once made is a compact of good will, and the 



40 The Hope of the Future 

stranger, once he has made friends will never want for 
entertainment wherever he may go in the Dominion. 
Introductions will always precede him and he will find 
a friendly hand to greet him when he reaches new 
parts. 

The home life as I saw it is simple and charming. 
New Zealand girls are very domestic, and should make 
the best of wives. On account of the small population it 
is difficult to find household servants. Even the children 
help at mealtime. I remember a dinner at the home 
of Mrs. Knight (her uncle Sir James Prendergast was 
Chief Justice of New Zealand), her son aged five and 
daughter aged seven served the meal. The hostess did 
not apologize because there were no servants. What 
would have been said in an American home? " Oh, 
it's awful. We can't get maids, no matter how much 
we are willing to pay." When a New Zealand family 
has wealth they do not feel it necessary to impress the 
fact upon you. 

It is wrong to suppose that any prejudice exists 
against Americans. If prejudice has been noted it is 
against the individual and not on account of his national- 
ity. The New Zealander is eager that the genuine 
American should visit his country and do business there 
or enjoy the beauty of the two islands; he does not think 
of national barriers and cannot conceive of any future 
conflict between us. In the past the visitors from 
America have been largely of the " drummer " type. 
Fortunately with the growing popularity of the islands 



New Zealand 41 

as a tourist resort the people are learning to know us 
better. 

New Zealand is beautiful in every physical feature. 
There are mountain ranges almost as high as the Rockies ; 
lakes with bush clad shores, clear as crystal; plentiful 
rivers and streams cascading from great heights, or mov- 
ing silently and peacefully on; pasture valleys and plains 
of wide extent, and of wonderful fertility, covered with 
sheep and cattle. There are the thermal springs of 
Rotorua, the equal of those of Yellowstone Park, the 
vast cold lakes of Central Otaga and the Southern Island, 
and mountain climbing and glissading at Mt. Cook. 
Memories of these " Blessed Isles," of this Britain of the 
South crowd in upon me. 

What part are they and their inhabitants to play in 
the future problem of the Pacific? A sea race the people 
are and a sea race they will continue to be. With the 
greatly increased population which the years will give, 
with the development of rich untouched resources, with 
the sturdy natural independence of her sons and daugh- 
ters, and their confidence in their future destiny, it is 
impossible to foretell what the next half century may 
mean to New Zealand. One can only remember the 
growth of other new nations. If sound and wise founda- 
tion building can assure magnificence of super-structure, 
then New Zealand is destined to a high place among 
the nations of the future. 



CHAPTER VII 

Australian Glimpses 

The Australians impress a visitor from America as a 
buoyant people who regard sport and amusement 
seriously and their work Hghtly. Quite a number of the 
population lives on or by some game or sport. Horse 
racing claims most of these, with boxing possibly second. 
Hardly a pastime of any note in the world is without its 
following, and speaking generally, the smaller the 
number of supporters the keener is their devotion. 
From top to bottom the love of sport is ingrained in the 
Australian nation, without distinction of sex. In a 
large degree it is a cupboard love, in which the excite- 
ment of a bet and hope of gain is a strong element. 
This is most conspicuous in connection with the horse 
racing so largely indulged in under the auspices of 
wealthy, old fashioned, and influential clubs in each 
State. 

The crowds that attend the great meetings illustrate 
Australian characteristics — or what the casual observer 
regards as such — in various ways, some of which cause 
amusing reflections. The number of women present 
is always large and their habit of bringing their babies 
with them (domestic servants are scarce) excites sur- 



Australian Glimpses 43 

prise. At one meeting I counted about fifty women 
carrying infants in arms, and I dare say the total was 
much more than this. 

Mark Twain once observed that " on principle " 
he never allowed his business to interfere with his drink- 
ing, and in the particular of sport, the average working 
man of Austraha seems to have a regard for " principle " 
of a similar kind. A case in point recently occurred — 
I think it was in Sydney, the Capital of New South 
Wales, — where at a large factory the whole of the working 
staff struck for the day because the proprietors refused, 
most inconsiderately, to give them all leave of absence, 
to " assist " at a big race meeting. 

Sporting traditions follow the lines of the English, 
and " Play the Game " is the accepted maxim. Games 
of exotic origin like Lacrosse, or of a scientific develop- 
ment that owes nothing to England or Australia itself, 
like base ball, have exponents in the Commonwealth 
but no large following. Base ball as a seasonal pastime 
is strongly advocated by some of the international 
cricketers of Austraha. 

Another favorite diversion in these places where it is 
feasible is surf bathing. Nowhere is this more con- 
spicuous than in the neighborhood of Sydney. The 
conditions here are suitable for every variety of seaside 
sport; fishing, yachting, open boat saihng and rowing. 
From the golden sands of the beaches that are so numer- 
ous on the coast of New South Wales, bathers old and 
young shoot the great breakers of the Pacific and come 



44 The Hope of the Future 

floating in on the swell that runs incessantly along these 
shores; between which and South America in the lati- 
tudes of Chile, there is nothing intervening save a few 
small islands and the northern arm of New Zealand. 
Fatal accidents sometimes occur when the undertow is 
strong enough to overwhelm a swimmer, but on the 
whole the habit of surf bathing, so popular in Australia, 
is of great benefit to the general physique of the race. 
Another agency which has been most effective in recent 
yegijrs in improving the stamina, morale, and general 
physique of the younger generation is the system (insti- 
tuted in 1910 by a Federal Labour Ministry) of cadet 
training for all youths above a certain age, with a view 
to their future service in the Citizen Defence Force of 
the country. 

The Australians live in the open; they are a nation of 
picnickers. The mechanic, t)ie housemaid, the mem- 
ber of Parhament, the Supreme Court Justice, all go on 
their periodical picnics. People of wealth travel by 
motor car far out into the country, generally to a small 
seaside resort where the picknickers can swim before and 
after lunch. Those of limited means travel by ferry 
boats, which service is very good. I well remember 
one of these picnics that I attended, arranged by Lady 
Fuller, whose husband Sir George, is leading the opposi- 
tion party in the present New South Wales Parliament. 
Six motor cars filled with a jolly crowd of people and 
lots of good things to eat and drink started out early one 
Sunday mdrning for Palm Beach, a seaside resort many 



Australian Glimpses 45 

miles from Sydney. What impressed me most was the 
way in which AustraHans take their pleasure — not 
sadly but in the happiest vein. They seem to get more 
happiness out of life than any people I have yet seen. 

Golf has its able exponents throughout the entire 
country, who are by no means confined to the richer 
section of society; so likewise has lawn tennis, which is 
extremely popular and has produced some players of the 
jfirst rank, able to compete and on occasion to win such a 
testing match as that of the Davis Cup. Australians 
are splendid tennis players. 

One trait of the working classes of Australia I find it 
incumbent upon me to criticize and condemn. It is 
their incivility. This is noticeable everywhere, in shop, 
in hotel, and particularly among Government employees. 
I remember that during one of my talks with Ex-Senator 
Theodore E. Burton, of Ohio, whe visited Australia 
when I was there, he complained about the incivility 
of the Australian working classes. I thought he was 
rather over-severe in his criticisms, but later I was com- 
pelled to admit the justice of them. One day we walked 
to the Government Tourist Office in Marttn Pla/ce, 
opposite the Sydney Post Office. Senator Burton 
wanted a railway ticket to Melbourne, and inquired if 
there was a train to that city on Sunday. Government 
Employee: "No." 

Senator Burton: " On Saturday." Government 
Employee: " Yes." 

Senator Burton : " If I purchase a ticket for Saturday's 



46 The Hope of the Future 

train and cannot leave on that day, can I have it 
exchanged for a ticket on Monday's train? " 

Government Employee: " Yes " (curtly). 

Senator Burton: " I am not quite certain yet whether 
I can leave on Saturday — " And before he could finish 
his sentence the Government Employee, turning away, 
shouted, heatedly, *' After you have definitely decided 
what you want to do, come back for your ticket! " 

Trade unionism is very strong in AustraUa. The 
employee has the upper hand. Employers find it diffi- 
cult to discharge unsatisfactory workmen; so fearful 
are they of strikes. But I hope the working man in 
Australia will use his power with good sense and restraint, 
reahzing that his present tactics will redound to his 
country's detriment. 

It may be stated as a general rule that the Austrahan 
is a conservative in respect to religion. He is not fond 
of innovations, nor is he given to revivalism. On the 
average he is a shrewd, and in these matters, a self 
contained individual with a keen eye to material con- 
siderations, and generally on guard against " givijig 
himself away." The Roman Catholics that are not of 
Irish descent are so few that they may be left out of 
consideration and " peculiar " sects are insignificant. 
The Irish, on the other hand, are far from being insignifi- 
cant either as a religious or a political element. 

Extravagences in doctrine or abnormal claims to 
inspiration by individuals make but small impression on 
the Australian people, who usually regard them with 



Australian Glimpses 47 

indifference or amused contempt. The " Mission " of 
the late J. A. Dowie of Zion City, some years ago was an 
utter failure. Mr. Dowie was regarded by his audiences 
in the metropolitan cities more as a figure of fun than as 
a minister of religion. His claims to be an avatar of the 
prophet Elijah were received with derision. At one 
meeting in Sydney he lost his temper and after pouring 
out a flood of invective of a particularly vulgar kind upon 
the audience, had to be smuggled secretly to his lodgings 
to avoid an ignominious " Ragging " in the street. 

So recently, the attempt to galvanize Spiritualism to 
some sort of life, which has been noticeable since the 
close of the War, has perhaps evoked less demonstration 
of credulity in Australia and New Zealand than in 
other parts of the British Empire. Sir Arthur Conan 
Doyle has lately returned to England from a lecture 
tour undertaken for the promotion of this movement, 
and declared the Austrahans to be deficient in the 
capacity to understand such subjects. In the opinion of 
Sir Arthur this is a grave defect, but those who know the 
Australians better may be inclined to say, that they are 
not lacking in common sense, and are quite up to the 
average in the possession of the critical faculty. 



CHAPTER VIII 

The Spirit of Australia 

Australia is a continental island of equal size with the 
United States, and possesses a range of climate not 
unlike our own, but the hot zones lie at the North of the 
Continent instead of at the South. She has now about five 
and a half milMon people, an average of little more than 
one and a half persons to the square mile. The great 
part of the country is stiU uninhabited; only the coastal 
fringe to the South is well settled. Even there the 
people are found crowded together in the cities, as in 
Melbourne and Sydney. It is obvious that the great 
need is population — most of aU, men who will go out 
upon the land. The natural excess of births over 
deaths is too small for economic and political security. 

Yet the mechanical and industrial classes on the spot 
are often found to be opposed to poHcies of assisted 
immigration or other devices for attracting settlers. 
The opposition is sometimes open, sometimes covert. 
Though vigorously combated by other sections, it is 
yet truly representative of a large body of local opinion. 
The electorate of the Commonwealth as a whole has a 
majority in favor of accelerating the increase of popula- 
tion by a liberal poUcy of bringing in and planting new 



The Spirit of Australia 49 

arrivals on the land, but is confronted with great diffi- 
culties in giving practical effect to any such poHcy. 

There is one point on which the nation is as absolutely 
unanimous as any nation in the world has ever been 
upon a single debatable question. That point is the 
desirabihty of keeping Australia " White "; — of retain- 
ing it as a land open to none but a settler of the white 
races and of excluding both the yellow and the black. 
This is an ideal, a conception of destiny, which may 
well touch a sympathetic chord in America and in all 
English-speaking countries. 

The natives found in Australia have never been 
numerous at any time since this southern continent was 
visited by Europeans. When first encountered, they 
were found to be nomads of the Stone Age, who had 
never developed in the arts of life sufficiently to cultivate 
a single square foot of the fertile country they inhabited. 
They were " fantastic " savages, already a fading race. 
Their ultimate disappearance is as inevitable as that of 
the still lower race who seem to have retreated before 
them to the South, and whose scanty remnants were 
found in Tasmania. The last survivor of these died 
about fifty years ago in Flinders Island. The Austra- 
lian black will die out likewise. As a factor in the Kfe 
of the country he is neghgible, and is now seldom seen 
in any of the more populous parts. He is still to be 
found in the North and West, but though the white 
population does nothing to injure him (in fact does 
what it can to protect and preserve him) the Austrahan 



50 The Hope of the Future 

aborigine dies out on the approach of civilization as if 
contact with it was to him a fatal disease. 

Experience has proved that, high as may be the 
summer temperature in many parts of Austraha, it is 
nowhere necessarily unhealthy for white adults. Tropi- 
cal hygiene is still in its infancy, as the more thoughtful 
of the Australians know full well. There is positively 
no saying what science may effect in this realm of research 
in the near future. The Rockefeller Institute for 
several years past has been actively at work upon these 
problems in tropical Queensland, nor have the local 
governments neglected the subject. From this point of 
view, the fact that a country with the size and resources 
of Australia still remains vacant for scientific settle- 
ment, on a vast scale, is or ought to be pecuUarly gratify- 
ing, not only to those now in possession but to all the 
civilized world. 

In handling the " White Australia " policy the Federal 
Government has shown wisdom and moderation. The 
law enables them to exclude any immigrant whatsoever 
by means of what is known as the " Dictation Test." 
These laws are not appUed in a harsh or indiscriminate 
manner, but with due regard to the conceived interests 
of the country, and the claim of the applicant for admis- 
sion. The working classes, which are so powerful 
politically, are keen to prevent any interference with 
their economic standards and any lowering of wages. 
The community as a whole is eager to preserve their 
purity of race. Between ninety-six and ninety-seven 



The Spirit of Australia 51 

per cent of the whites now in Austraha are derived from 
the four great British stocks — EngHsh, Scotch, Irish 
and Welsh. Such a percentage is probably as high as 
any One unit of the British Empire, with the exception 
possibly of New Zealand, Having been fortunate 
enough to have acquired a population of this character 
simply by evolution, it is natural that Austraha wishes 
for no radical change in the proportion of its elements, 
or at least that increases should be from assimilable 
races, whose descendants are likely to conform to the 
present type. 

The Australians have for many years been practically 
autonomous in local affairs. They have had a long 
experience in politics and self government and have 
progressed from the stage of Colonies to that of a great 
confederation, yet up to the present time, neither their 
State nor Federal administrations have shown any 
excessive inchnation to make themselves moral by Act 
of Parliament. They have been mainly content with 
reasonable liquor laws capable of being enforced, in the 
interest of temperate use of alcohohc drinks without 
undue interference with the Hberty of the individual; 
with measures for preventing the spread of the Social 
Evil and against the White Slave traffic, also with laws 
for the regulation of gambhng and betting. They are 
essentially a law abiding community. 

It is not that they are averse to legal experiments. 
In this respect they have been rather expansive, not to 
say grandmotherly; and well-meant attempts at making 



52 The Hope of the Future 

things easy for the individual at the public charge, such 
as high old age pensions, maternity bonuses, and the 
like, while testifying to the humanity and sympathy of 
the electorate, have, I feel, been rather overdone. 
While the native self reliance of the Australian has 
not yet been sapped, it may be in danger if such policies 
are carried too far. 

Australia has been a pioneer in legislative j&elds, and 
so she has on her statute books many laws that have 
proved gross failures. Some of these same measures 
are now being advocated in America by our Labor 
leaders and politicians. The President of the Employ- 
ers' Association of New South Wales (Sydney) suggests 
that the Chambers of Commerce and Manufacturers 
Associations in America would do well to enter into some 
sort of contract with the Employers' Associations in 
Austraha. Industry would be benefited by a mutual 
exchange of views. I have no doubt that America would 
profit thereby. It is interesting to note that compulsory 
Arbitration has failed in Australia after many years' 
trial. It is now being brought forward in this country. 

It is speaking the simple truth to say that a cordial 
feehng and natural congeniality towards the United 
States exists among AustraUans. Our country has an 
intense interest for them and they know a great deal 
more of us than we do of them. They read our litera- 
ture, and feel that our ways are much more theirs than 
those of the average Britisher who has never been outside 
the United Kingdom. We are their seniors in coloniza- 



The Spirit of Australia 53 

tion on a large scale, in the development under democratic 
conditions of a new country; we have also furnished 
them with a model for the federation of their formerly- 
disunited colonies or states. In many matters the 
Constitution of the Commonwealth of Australia follows 
the Constitution of the United States by the deliberate 
choice of its framers, and in preference to the example or 
precedent that they had before them in the Constitution 
of the Dominion of Canada. One may hazard the 
thought without disrespect to anyone that they " make 
up " to the citizens of the United States with even 
greater readiness and ease than they do to those from 
some of the other divisions of the British Empire. 

A visiting American is indeed rather intrigued by the 
relations between the native-born Australians and their 
English kindred. The former are thoroughly loyal to 
the Empire, proud of the Motherland, its history and 
traditions. For the British nation they have a real 
respect. But there are some noticeable points about 
their feeling for certain types of the English, and again 
it may be observed that these points sometimes appeal 
strongly to American susceptibihties. There was a 
time when the term " Colonial " in the mouth of an 
Englishman denoted inferiority. The Australian-born 
was the last person in the world to admit that there was 
any truth in such a connotation, and in the old days 
when he mentally pitted himself against the " new 
chum " from " home," it was not without reason. To 
many Australians the Motherland loomed largely as 



54 The Hope of the Future 

the place where the " remittance men " came from, and 
it may be easily understood that the man whose relatives 
pay for the privilege of his absence is not likely to excite 
the respect or esteem of strangers. The Australian 
never regarded himself as a fair subject for condescen- 
sion from an Englishman or anyone else. 

Now there has been a great change; the one time 
deprecated Colonial has proved on the field of battle, 
on land and sea, and in the numerous arenas of sport, 
that his prowess and efficiency are quite equal to 
those of the homebred individual. The Motherland 
has learned to respect the overseas Dominions, and even 
in the intimacy of clubs and smoking rooms where real 
opinions find expression, the Englishman talks and 
thinks of them in a manner very different from that of 
former days. 

Good omens obtain for the enlargement of friendship 
and understanding between Australia and the United 
States. There is much in common between us. In the 
Commonwealth men of keenness and business abiUty 
abound, the population is well-to-do, the standards of 
living are not dissimilar. We Americans have had a 
considerable start of the Australians, whose career of 
self government did not begin till the "fifties," after the 
discovery of the gold-fields. 

The AustraUa of today began then. Its chief wealth 
is still derived from its woodland pastoral products. The 
exports of wheat, dairy products, and fruit are of 
steadily growing importance. It offers a fine market 



The Spirit of Australia 55 

for trade as it has still to import so much of manufac- 
tured goods. In time it will be a large manufacturing 
country ; at present its efforts in this direction are almost 
entirely absorbed in trying to supply a fraction of its 
internal requirements. The opportunity for increased 
trade with the United States is still open. Our trade 
boomed during the war and afterwards suffered a decline, 
but Australia only needs the attention of our producers 
and exporters in order to be secured as an extensive and 
valuable market. 

The sentiment of the Austrahan nation towards 
America has never been better expressed than by Sir 
Joseph Cook while acting as Prime Minister during the 
absence of Mr. W. M. Hughes at the Imperial Confer- 
ence in London. In a pubhc utterance he remarked, — 
" I have never wavered in my conviction of the neces- 
sity and wisdom of an understanding with America. 
It is the one thing which offers the best hope for the 
stricken world. Together the United States and Britain 
could command such influence on the councils of the 
world as to ensure peace, the greatest requirement of the 
world today. They are our neighbors in the Pacific 
and we want to live in the most cordial relations with 
them." 



CHAPTER IX 

The American Abroad 

When an American goes abroad he is bound to alter 
his opinion of other nations. He is also Ukely to change 
the views he formerly held concerning his own country. 
The man who stays at home has not the proper chance 
to make comparisons. If he has never left this country 
he cannot really be sure that he prefers it to others or 
that he is an American at heart. When he goes abroad 
he has the opportunity to see his country as a whole and 
in absence may think of her as never before. 

In America we accept the flag as one of the ordinary 
facts of life, but when one has not seen it for months or 
years, the sudden sight of the Stars and Stripes flying 
over an American ship in some distant harbor brings a 
lump into the throat. It is in moments like these that 
the prosaic business man realizes that he is a sentimental- 
ist at heart. Perhaps it is Americans who are forced 
to live in exile who love their country best. Yet this is 
a different sort of love and patriotic feehng than that 
possessed by the " home folks." It is a deeper under- 
standing and appreciation of what America means to 
her own citizens and to the world at large. Her faults 
and virtues stand out in clear relief. One has time to 



The American Abroad 57 

think about them and to make generalizations about 
them that express his point of view. For the first time 
he discovers the reasons that make him want to remain 
an American. If he is the right sort of man he should 
return to his country, loving her more than ever, but 
realizing faults that he might never have seen had he 
remained all his Hfe in his home town. 

It is not unpatriotic of him to make criticisms. As he 
travels about he should make it his business to observe 
the good points of foreign nations and discover how we 
can introduce them into America and whether it would 
be wise to make the attempt. That is the attitude of a 
truly patriotic man. In purely material things no one 
objects to this. We applaud the traveller who brings 
back new species of grains, fruit, or flowers. The col- 
lector who assembles old paintings, . Chinese porcelains, 
or bronze vases is considered to be enriching his home. 
How much more important is it to collect new ideas, 
pleasant customs, habits of life that have proved valuable 
elsewhere? 

Many American travellers never seem to think in this 
way. They are so proud of their country that they are 
unwilling to suggest or even to admit the possibility of 
any minor alteration in her life. We aU want to pre- 
serve our Americanism, — it is only a question of decid- 
ing what are its essential elements. It is the lack of 
discrimination between the essential and merely the 
accidental that makes some people insist upon American- 
ism in music, art or cookery. A South American dance. 



58 The Hope of the Future 

a Russian novel, or a French salad is not going to bring 
the Constitution of the United States about our ears. 
America will be a richer and a finer land for enjoying the 
best that the world has to give. 

This attitude of prejudice against foreign ways is often 
pathetic. It robs the traveller of pleasure and puts him 
in such an antagonistic frame of mind that he cannot get 
acquainted with the people he meets. When a great 
number of Americans go abroad together they take with 
them the atmosphere of their home. They might just 
as well have stayed there, in many instances, for all 
the real benefit they obtain by travel. In Paris one 
may see them flocking about eating houses that advertise 
American cooking, and a very poor imitation it is, when 
they might be enjoying real Parisian food, probably the 
finest in the world. 

This was of course especially true of the Army. The 
Doughboys while with their units were really living in 
a part of America that had been transported bodily to 
Europe. Wherever they went on leave, they were still 
among people who made a special effort to treat them in 
American fashion. 

Sometimes the government went to ridiculous lengths 
in supplying the troops with American products. In 
Siberia, for example, they were fed on bread baked from 
American flour brought at great cost for thousands of 
miles by rail and steamers when the local warehouses 
were bursting with grain and flour that could not be 
exported for lack of transport. In this campaign the 



The American Abroad 59 

Canadians were equally unbusinesslike. They shipped 
bran and hay for their transport animals all the way from 
Canada into the heart of Siberia, which is a great stock 
raising country full of fodder. In many cases ship- 
ments were dumped on the open ground and allowed to 
spoil because all the warehouse space was occupied with 
the local harvest. Such are the resources of strange 
lands. Our quartermasters never seemed to have 
thought that there was anything in Siberia which could 
be of any use to us. 

America is even in more need than most nations of 
gauging herself by progress in foreign lands. We have 
the most wonderful resources of any continent, which 
have as yet been barely scratched. For one thing, 
nearly half of the world's coal hes under the American 
flag. We found here great forest lands, rich soil, the 
widest variety of minerals, the world's largest deposits of 
oil. For developing these resources we have plenty of 
water power, navigable rivers, and safe harbors. The 
unimproved value of the continent is far in excess of 
that of any other. Certainly it is out of all proportion 
to the natural resources of Europe, where a large part of 
the land is barren and fit only to pasture sheep and goats. 

Had we developed America on the European system 
there is no reason why we could not have built up forty- 
eight separate nations, that could have rivalled in time 
those of Europe in population, wealth, and power. 
However, we have chosen to lay the foundations of 
a single mighty state. The present America is only 



60 The Hope of the Future 

the beginning. What this country may in time become 
surpasses the abihty of imagination to conceive. 

We Americans are the trustees of this vast enterprise. 
We are still pioneers. The end of the twentieth century 
will see a population of at least three hundred million. 
We have roughly eighty years in which to prepare a na- 
tion on such a scale. We ought not to neglect any possible 
source of information to which we have access. I am 
certain that it is our duty to ransack the globe for the 
soundest ideas, that we may incorporate them in the 
wonderful America that is to be. 

We can no longer tolerate pettiness and provincialism, 
with hand and brain we must reach out to take the best 
that the world has to offer. We should go abroad in 
the attitude of learners, seeing the virtues of our neigh- 
bors and being ever ready to praise them, passing over 
their faults and faiHngs, for we do not wish to bring 
back to America anything but the best. 

In the past we have taken freely from the experiences 
of other nations. Our language and most of our legal 
system came from England. The Christian Faith which 
sways the Western World can be traced back to the hills 
of Judea. It is Oriental, Asiatic; yet how superior it 
is to any idea that Asia has to offer today! The least 
that we can do is to bear in mind the benefits we have 
received, — we cannot be sure that we have learned all 
that we need from the outside world. 

We cannot afford to build a wall around ourselves. 
Were that done, we should find that the world would 



The American Abroad 61 

worry along somehow without us, just as they have 
managed to get on without us for the greater part of 
recorded history. But in that event we should be 
thrown back upon ourselves. A sort of national inbreed- 
ing would result, leaving us immeasurably poorer than 
now. 



CHAPTER X 
A Glance at American Government Abroad 

A real devotion to our country is bound to lead us to 
make a critical examination of ourselves. This self- 
analysis may sometimes prove painful, but it is neces- 
sary. We must persist in it from time to time, for it 
will be fatal to us to lapse into a state of complete self- 
satisfaction; that is the beginning of decay. After all, 
it is much better to make criticisms of our own conduct 
than to hear foreigners doing it. We can only bear that 
with difficulty; especially if we realize in our hearts 
that the charge they are making is true. We have 
flared up indignantly at the attacks of visitors and 
many of our distinguished foreign critics have after- 
wards bitterly repented their expression of opinion. 

When we were a young nation we were even more 
sensitive than we are to-day. Dickens lost much of his 
popularity here because he wounded our feelings. I 
can remember old ladies, very fond of Dickens, who 
could never bring themselves to read Martin Chuzzle- 
wit, because in that book the author speaks disrespect- 
fully of the United States. 

We are now an older nation, we have made our place 
in the world. It is not a matter of common knowledge. 



A Glance at American Government Abroad 63 

even among Americans, that we are the oldest of the 
great powers in regard to the form of government, yet 
the Stars and Stripes antedates the present flag of any 
of the great nations. A moment's glance at the history 
of the last century will remind us that all the great 
nations are newly organized. Modern France and Ger- 
many date from 1871; the new Germany can really be 
said to date from 1918; Italy was born in the Sixties; 
The United Kingdom as at present constituted was set 
up in Pitt's Act of Union of 1800. The British Empire is 
largely a growth of the last Century; Japan was opened 
to the world in 1852 ; the Chinese Republic was founded 
in 1910. Russia will have to make a fresh start before 
she can be reckoned among the powers. 

These changes sweeping over the greater part of the 
world leave the United States, with a Constitution drawn 
in 1787, as a veteran among the nations, — quite a para- 
doxical situation, when it is remembered that we are 
generally considered to be still adolescent. It is true 
that as a nation we are young, but our form of govern- 
ment has now continued almost unchanged for one 
hundred and forty years. 

Not only is our Constitution venerable, but it has 
become a model upon which many other governments 
have since been organized. We can well take pride in 
the extent to which our ideas of government have 
triumphed. It is not too much to say that no new 
nation has been successfully founded since 1776 that 
has not borrowed more or less from us. The plan of a 



64 The Hope of the Future 

republic, with a written constitution, a president, and 
an independent legislative and judicial organization 
has been widely adopted. 

All of South America, most of Europe, and the New 
Republic of China have incorporated some or all of these 
ideas in their government. The idea of a Federal system 
has been copied in the British Dominions and is now 
being considered seriously as the only method by which 
the British government can cope with the enormous 
pressure of work it has to do. A mighty challenge to 
our very basic principles has been made lately by the 
foundation of the Bolshevic regime in Russia. As 
things seem now, this challenge is likely to fail. Russia 
will probably in the end adopt a form of government 
something like ours. 

Under these circumstances we can afford to smile 
indulgently at our critics. There is no more need to be 
extremely sensitive about our institutions. They have 
proved themselves, and are not likely to be easily 
changed. But we shall need all our self composure. 
The War has thrust us into the center of the world's 
stage; willingly or unwillingly we are playing a leading 
r61e. It is only to be expected that we shall receive 
praise or blame for almost everything that happens now 
in international affairs. Students of politics will realize 
that blame is likely to predominate over praise, no 
matter what we do. We might as well get used to it, 
and become reconciled to being unjustly blamed for the 
condition of the Armenians, the revolutions in Central 



A Glance at American Government Abroad 65 

America, or the fate of the Polish Jews. It is part of the 
price we must pay for being great and relatively pros- 
perous. 

This new position of importance ought to force us to 
reconstruct our Diplomatic and Consular services. 
In the past we have had no regular training for even the 
most responsible places. Our ambassadors have usually 
been chosen from successful pohticians and business 
men. On the whole their record is a magnificent one. 
Pitted against trained diplomats who have devoted years 
to the study of their craft and the mastery of foreign 
languages, they have had only their native shrewdness 
and the experience of local politics. The experience of 
the last century and a half, however, would seem to 
suggest that the rough and tumble of American poHtics 
is about as good a training as any other. 

In our less important positions we have hardly been 
so fortunate. Many of our Consuls and Ministers have 
obtained their posts because their party was embarrassed 
by their presence at home. In too many cases they are 
unable to speak the language of the nation to which they 
are sent. Such a contingency ought never to occur. 

Our chief failure has been the inadequate salaries 
paid, and the small sums of money allotted for buildings 
and expenses. In most parts of the world prestige is of 
greater' importance than in America. The chief Euro- 
pean nations reaUze how to impress the populace by a 
little judicious display, and particularly by having their 
consular and ^diplomatic offices in accord with the dignity 



66 The Hope of the Future 

of the country they represent, whereas we have been 
content with small and dingy buildings on back streets 
that must be sought with a guide. 

The Powers of Europe have handsome structures on 
the principal streets that are fit representations of their 
position in the world and a compliment to the local 
pride of the inhabitants, who are thus impressed in the 
most direct way by these embassies and consulates. 
If we are mean and niggardly in this matter foreign 
nations will form a poor opinion of us. As a rule we are 
careless of the world's opinion, but it would be merely 
sound business sense to provide more adequately for 
our foreign services. As long as we maintain them, 
they should be worthy of America. 

In the matter of dress our diplomatic representatives 
from the very first adhered to a poUcy of simplicity that 
has been a distinct success. They have always appeared 
at state functions attired in the plain conventional 
black of the simple private citizen, minus ribbons, stars, 
or decorations. In the crowd of gorgeous diplomats, 
all striving to out-dazzle the other with elaborate uni- 
forms, our simplicity stands out in sharp contrast. 
It is far more effective than any other dress could be. 
This custom had its origin in the democratic tastes of 
the founders of the United States, but now it is really a 
colossal piece of effective advertising, although we have 
never intended it as such. In these modern days, 
titles, orders, and decorations are beginning to look 
extremely ridiculous. We may well congratulate our- 



A Glance at American Government Abroad 67 

selves that we have never succumbed to the temptation 
of introducing them into America. 

I cannot close this chapter without a word of apprecia- 
tion for the many kindnesses that I have received from 
members of our Diplomatic and Consular Corps. In 
spite of some misfits, they are a splendid body of men 
who are often compelled to do their work under singu- 
larly trying circumstances. They are constantly being 
called upon for favors, and are expected to be always 
patient and polite with even the most vexatious traveller. 
They are obHged to work long years away from home, 
and often in the most unpleasant places; they are not 
adequately rewarded. Engaged in the service of their 
countrymen, they rarely receive even thanks for their 
labors. Theirs is a task to be more amply rewarded by 
our government in the future. 



CHAPTER XI 

Some Difficulties of a Democracy 

In our brief history we have been fortunate. Nature 
has blessed us with all her gifts in abundance. The 
military rivalries of the great powers have passed us 
by. We are sometimes inclined to take credit for this 
good fortune and to consider it to be superior wisdom 
that has made us prosperous above others. It is easy 
to take our stand on the cold facts and to make any 
claims we please — nobody can deny them. We cherish 
a subconscious belief that our good fortune can be laid 
to our RepubHcan form of government and our Constitu- 
tion, and that if the nations of Europe had only been 
endoWed with the sense to follow our example, the War 
would never have occurred, and that they might share 
our well being. 

Despite the grain of truth in this idea, it fails to appre- 
ciate the problems and difficulties that Europe has 
inherited from the past. Things may all look pleasant 
and simple from this side of the water, but a thousand 
obstacles appear when any of our schemes is put into 
practice over there. For example, we are now impatient 
with^Russia for substituting a Red Dictatorship in place 
of the Wd Autocracy of the Czardom. 



Some Difficulties of a Democracy 69 

The real trouble there is the lack of education among 
the masses. When only a small percentage of citizens 
can read and write, democracy can be practiced only on 
the village scale. Representative government cannot 
be conducted because the voters are unable to keep in 
touch with those they have elected after they have left 
the neighborhood. An autocracy of some sort is bound 
to obtain until the spread of knowledge makes it unneces- 
sary. Democracy is at present a geographical impossi- 
biUty for Russia. 

One institution which never fails to evoke our amused 
and contemptuous comment is the pomp of royalty. 
We Uke to talk about the extravagance of kings and 
courts, and the burden they prove to the body of citi- 
zens who are taxed to pay for monarchical magnifi- 
cence. It is quite true that royalty is an outgrown 
institution, and that it costs a great deal of money, but 
no Czar, Kaiser, King or Sultan ever spent the tax- 
payer's coin so lavishly as does our Government of the 
People, by the People, and for the People. 

The American system of President, Senate, and House 
of Representatives, forty-eight Governors and State 
Legislators, a separate State and Federal scheme of 
Judges and Courts, with all the Government Depart- 
ments, State officials and Civil Servants, results in the 
most expensive government on earth. Bankrupt nations 
may well look askance at the " high cost of Democracy " 
as we practice it. They may reasonably think that a 
king and a few nobles are cheap in comparison and well 



70 The Hope of the Future 

worth their cost. This is doubly true when the nobility- 
can be kept in funds by marrying them to the daughters 
of American millionaires. 

In fact, Europe in time of peace has been far shrewder 
than we in government finance. We have never had 
even a Budget. To put it plainly, this means that we 
spend our money each year without ever finding out how 
much we have to spend. In the House and Senate we 
vote appropriations until everyone is satisfied, then we 
add the sum and tell the wretched taxpayer what he 
must pay. In Europe the Finance Minister first finds 
out how much can be raised, and then the spending 
departments are rationed to fit the nation's purse. 
Here Congress votes the money first and then comes 
before the American people in sublime faith that they 
will pay any amount, no matter how immense. So 
far they have always done so. In his classic work, 
" The American Commonwealth," Lord Bryce drily 
remarks, that America has the glorious privilege of youth; 
the privilege of making mistakes without suffering the 
consequences. 

We have much to improve and correct before we can 
pose as a model before the world. But we have been 
quick to preach our superiority. No sooner have we 
taken any legislative step in America, than missions 
go abroad to influence others to follow our example 
before we have even tested out our new plan. Thus 
National Prohibition had been barely adopted, before a 
movement got under way to spread its blessings all over 



Some Difficulties of a Democracy 71 

the world. This was no doubt sincere and an evidence 
of our wish to benefit others, but it was hardly wise to 
be so hasty. 

The world will watch the operation of Prohibition 
here, and if it is successful, will learn from our experi- 
ment. Our Prohibition missionaries have aroused resent- 
ment and provoked amusement rather than advanced 
their cause. Prohibition in Great Britain will be forever 
associated with the nickname of " Pussyfoot." It was 
a tactical error for Mr. Johnson to interfere in the British 
campaign. He partly redeemed his mistake by his 
sporting attitude when one of his eyes was knocked out. 
In Scotland the American speakers were a hindrance 
to their side. They would have been wiser not to take 
an active part in campaigns abroad, even if invited. 

A " Big Drive " in America has recently resulted in 
the raising of a large sum of money for religious purposes. 
Much of this money has been used for the relieving of 
distress in the devastated areas. This is a necessary 
task, and American help has been greatly appreciated. 
Now, however, the people of Rome are greatly worried 
by the rumor that one of the high hills near the city has 
been purchased with this fund and that it is proposed to 
build on its crest a group of buildings in the American 
style, which shall be a center of rehgious and educa- 
tional propaganda. The Itahans violently object. They 
do not want our buildings to spoil their skyhne or alter 
the appearance of their city. They do not care to be 
" propagandized." We cannot well blame them, for 



72 The Hope of the Future 

under similar circumstances, we should feel similar 
resentment. 

In India one sees other American propagandists at 
work, giving the Indian people a false idea of what 
Western civihzation means. I refer to the missionaries 
of all sorts of peculiar sects who, while they may be 
honest and sincere, do not represent any important 
American opinion or rightly reflect American life. 
Freak rehgions appeal strongly to the sensitive and 
mystical Hindu mind. Accordingly they are responsive 
to the preacher who tells them of the approaching end of 
the world. They readily learn to " Speak with Tongues" 
or to heal disease by means of blessed handkerchiefs. 

How can the uneducated Indian know that these forms 
of rehgious beHef are not widely held in America? How 
can he be expected to discriminate between various 
missionaries? It seems a pity that there cannot be some 
sort of censorship of these ambassadors of religion who 
are supposed to represent America. 



CHAPTER XII 

The Golden Calf 

In material resources America is well fitted to assume 
the leading place she now holds. Can we honestly claim 
to have the moral superiority that we sometimes pre- 
tend to possess? I beheve that we do have a people of 
sterling moral qualities. At bottom we are sound in 
character and free from unworthy purposes in our 
international dealings. Yet we are far from being able 
to pose as an example to others. So preoccupied are 
we with the search for wealth that we have not yet had 
time or energy to devote attention to the finer sides 
of life. 

It is not that we love money more than other nations; 
in fact, the American people are very generous, neither 
miserly nor greedy. We love not money but the pursuit 
of it. Everyone knows of AMERICA as the land of the 
DOLLAR. Making money is our national occupation 
which we have developed into a science, an art, a sport, 
a religion. All the energy of our American nature has 
been devoted to this purpose, to the neglect of other 
considerations. 

Gilbert Murray, himself a very good friend of America, 
says that this is the land of things between Birth and 



74 The Hope of the Future 

Death. He means that America as yet knows little of 
the things that lie beyond Birth and Death. Our past 
history records the achievement of the highest state of 
material civilization ever reached by any people. In 
the future we must put a meaning and a purpose into 
that civilization, if we are to be saved from crude 
materialism. 

Accused of vulgarity and bad taste we have never 
even taken the trouble to deny it. Instead of concealing 
our lack of taste, we shout it for everyone to hear. 
The Hotels of Europe are filled with our tourists who 
are now called the " New Barbarians." The harsh 
sound of their strident voices can be heard above all 
other tones; the rustle of their dollar bills, the " Honk " 
of their automobiles is everywhere. Europe stands 
bowing and smirking at the hotel door, secretly taking 
revenge by charging unheard of prices for whatever the 
rich Americans may fancy. 

So little do we care about our reputation that we 
advertise our crimes and scandals by cable and wireless 
to all the world. They are " News," and we cheerfully 
boast about our political corruption, our violations of 
law, our lynchings to whomever we may. The race 
riot at Tulsa, Oklahoma, was " The Greatest Race Riot 
Ever Staged." Ignorant foreigners reading their papers 
are amazed at our wickedness. I do not believe that 
our politics are more corrupt than that of any other 
people but they are popularly supposed to be, because we 
have so persistently advertised our failings. 



The Golden Calf 75 

The news which we send abroad is not calculated to 
improve our good name. Of late years this unfavorable 
impression has been strengthened by the " Movie " 
films, which we have produced. It is extremely unfortu- 
nate that these films are sent broadcast everywhere, 
to all sorts of places. They are tremendously popular, 
especially when they are sensational. 

The producers cannot be expected to understand the 
bad effects these films sometimes stimulate in less civil- 
ized lands. In India, for instance, they have a vicious 
effect. It is a great mistake to show the populace 
white women misconducting themselves on the screen. 
This lessens the respect in which they hold the whites, 
and so causes great embarrassment to the British Govern- 
ment, who have endeavored for many years to maintain 
high standards of conduct as an example to the people. 
It is a tragedy that this respect should be impaired by 
our " Movie " films. It is also a foohsh poHcy for us to 
allow our films to go before Japanese audiences without 
first making certain that nothing is shown that will 
cause them to despise us. The love-making scenes 
offend the Japanese sense of decency, and cause them 
to look upon us as barbarous. 

We suffer also in America from the character of the 
news that our various press associations send us from 
abroad. It is not primarily their fault. They are 
bound to supply the news which the pubHc demands 
or go out of business. Thus they are constantly sending 
sensational accounts of scandals in high Hfe, fake scientific 



76 The Hope of the Future 

discoveries, and back stairs gossip that has no bearing 
upon the events of the day. When our reading pubUc 
is educated to demand reUable information and well 
written articles of real merit, they will get them. That 
day seems to lie far in the future. 

We have some newspapers that treat the supplying of 
news as a pubUc service and not as a money making 
pursuit. We need more of them, but they must neces- 
sarily be in advance of popular demand. We are 
fortunate in the advocacy of the press abroad. In 
Great Britain the hundred newspapers and periodicals 
owned or controlled by Viscount Northcliff have a 
permanent poUcy of friendship with the United States. 
Concerning home affairs their policies change, but never 
in regard to America. They make it a rule in The Times, 
London, to print only news from America that is favorable 
to us, regardless of the fact that more papers could be 
sold and temporary journahstic successes scored by 
publishing sensational attacks upon us. This is a 
policy of statesmanship and patriotic service that puts 
to shame the peddling of vulgar rumors which often 
passes for news with us. A newspaper need not always 
inflame the populace to war and hate, it can perform tre- 
mendous public services by building friendship between 
nations. I believe that our American press is coming to 
reaUze its power and opportunity in improving our 
foreign relations. 

But a clearer exchange of ideas is not all that is needed 
to give America the place in the world's esteem that she 



The Golden Calf 77 

might enjoy. Our besetting sins of money worship and 
vulgarity must be overcome. It is only through toil, 
suffering and hardship that nobility of character may be 
achieved, be it by man or nation. The strength of 
America today was gained by our sturdy pioneers in 
their struggle with the wilderness. 

Had hfe been as easy for them as it is for us today, 
this generation would not be so strong and capable as 
it is. We must find more in Ufe than the chase after 
gold or our descendants will be born into an atmos- 
phere of sordid materialism that deadens the mind 
and spirit. God forbid that America should ever be 
forced to undergo the suffering that some of the nations 
of Europe have undergone in the last terrible years — 
but that would be better than losing our souls through 
soft living. 



CHAPTER XIII 

Immigration in the New World 

Our first duty to the world as well as to ourselves is to 
develop a wholesome people. Although this country- 
has a population that is composed of elements drawn 
from all races, there still persists a dominant strain of 
the old Colonial stock, primarily British in origin. 
After the Revolution this strain continued for several 
decades, untouched by the influence of other racial 
groups, hence the tone of our national life is today set 
by the men and women who trace their families back to 
1840 on American soil. This is the part of the popula- 
tion that has made EngUsh the language of America. 

In the Forties and Fifties came two streams of immi- 
grants who have now almost become merged in the 
primary strain and who now on the whole re-enforce 
its authority and importance. The first were the Irish 
who were driven overseas by the potato blight and the 
ensuing famine in the Forties, and the second were 
Germans who came after the failure of the Revolution 
of 1848. This was the composition of our people when 
the Civil War came. 

After the War, when the West began to boom, streams 
of immigrants poured in again. This time many Scandi- 
navians were among them, while after 1870 the number of 
Germans declined. This falling off of the latter was due 



Immigration in the New World 79 

to the growth of the German Empire and to its policy 
of holding all subjects at home for industrial and military 
expansion. So far the American policy of keeping 
" open house," for all comers proved a decided success. 
It had built up our population to over sixty-five million 
in the beginning of the Nineties. This population was 
in the main homogeneous and capable of being welded 
into a compact unit, but there were notable exceptions. 

The Negroes have been gradually spreading north- 
ward. Their rate of increase has not been quite as 
rapid as that of the Whites, but it is nevertheless sub- 
stantial. The climate of North America has caused 
their brain sutures to close at a later period in hfe so 
that their brain capacity is approaching slowly the Cau- 
casian standard. Tuberculosis is decreasing their vital- 
ity and city life seems to be very unwholesome for them, 
as it is for more sophisticated races in lesser degree. 
They are a great and increasing problem, the solution of 
which is not now apparent. 

America has made up her mind not to allow a similar 
problem to be created on the Pacific Coast. In the days 
of the gold rush many Chinese came over and monopo- 
lized the truck garden and laundry trade there. They 
were mostly single men. A Chinese Exclusion Act 
prevented their numbers from increasing and as they 
left no children the numbers of Chinamen have steadily 
decreased. They have now ceased to be a problem. 

During the last thirty years has occurred a movement 
of immigrants that has caused the United States to 



80 The Hope of the Future 

reverse its time honored policy. This is the increasing 
stream from the South and East of Europe. The new- 
comers up to 1890 were from races that readUy mixed 
with the Americans abeady here; as they came in 
moderate numbers, and as they were absorbed in the 
mass of population. We were not conscious of any 
immigrant problem and were proud of holding out a 
welcome hand to all the oppressed and stricken folk 
who cared to come. 

In the years before the Great War the immigrants 
came pouring in, during some years of prosperity num- 
bering as many as a million and a quarter. The Atlantic 
Steamship lines built monster vessels with especially 
large accommodations for third class passengers. They 
advertised cheap rates to New York. Men who had a 
smaU start sent for their families and friends who settled 
in the same neighborhood. Thus the newcomers began 
to be segregated into special districts generally in the 
New England and North Atlantic States, and almost 
always in or near the large cities. 

Prominent in this human tide were the Italians, 
Russians, Austrians, and Poles. They swarmed to the 
industrial centers, where unskilled labour was utilized. 
Places like Fall River or Pittsburg became almost 
foreign cities. Two thirds of the population of New 
York are now of foreign born parentage. Boston and 
Chicago have as great a percentage. Foreign language 
newspapers flourish; one may hear dozens of different 
tongues in a single day. This flood of immigrants still 



Immigration in the New World 81 

remains unassimilated. Many of them are splendid 
material for citizenship, but they have been coming too 
fast and our institutions cannot cope with them. 

Before the War we felt that some new poHcy must be 
adopted. The War gave us at once a warning and an 
opportunity. In the Balkan Wars the effects were felt 
in our mining camps where battles were fought over 
again between rival groups of partizans. The World 
War was a direct challenge to the very unity of America. 
It became gradually clear to us that we could not exist 
as a nation if we allowed our immigrants to maintain a 
dual patriotism. 

The issue lay between those who would use America 
for the advantage of their European homeland, and those 
Americans who felt that this was the time to cast away 
all divided allegiance and put America first. We felt 
that, with this alien mass in our midst, we were in danger 
and that a similar crisis must find us a unit for peace 
or war. 

We have come to realize that we dare not tolerate the 
" Hyphenated American." Anyone who comes to our 
shores to live should come with single-minded allegiance 
and with the intention to make his adopted country his 
own. This has resulted in campaigns of Americaniza- 
tion carried on by employers and patriotic societies, and 
in a new immigration law which limits the arrivals from 
any country in a year to three per cent of those of the 
same origin already in the country. 

This will allow a maximum of 350,000 a year. As some 



82 The Hope of the Future 

nationalities will not take full advantage of the law, the 
probable average is much lower. It is a question whether 
the figure is still too high. Some European nations are 
taking advantage of its provisions to ship over as many 
of their unemployed as they can. I quote from the 
Genoa correspondent of The Times Trade Supplement 
(London) of July 2nd, 1921. 

"There are at present in Italy 250,145 employed 
workers on short time. The situation is aggravated by 
the action of the United States Government in limiting 
the annual number of Itahan immigrants to 40,000. 
With the object of improving the labor situation it has, 
however, been arranged that four Italian shipping 
companies shall dispatch until further notice one vessel 
monthly each with 1,000 immigrants for the States, 
provided the latter furnish proof that they have relations 
and work awaiting them there." 

Here is The Times (London) as evidence that the 
Italian Government is dumping its unemployed on 
us as fast as the law allows. This may help the 
domestic situation in Italy, but it is an abuse of our 
hospitality, which we would be wise to stop. 

It is an open secret that in sending immigrants to 
America various European States will pass only those 
whom they do not wish to keep. All fine, healthy men 
are refused permission to go. It is also quite plain that 
if aU the available space is taken by unemployed whom 
the government is shipping out of the country, there is 
no room for desirable immigrants. 



Immigration in the New World 83 

We have imposed some physical tests but they are 
largely to keep out those suffering from some virulent 
disease. There has been little attempt to influence our 
future racial stock by selective tests of health, mental- 
ity, physical fitness, etc. It is true that we ask all 
immigrants if they are anarchists, but it is very 
rarely that any real Anarchist would admit the fact if 
he had any aim in coming to America. 

In the matter of immigration laws we have much to 
learn from the Dominions. They are not at all afraid 
to debar anyone they wish. They have been careful 
of their own racial purity and rather careless whose 
feehngs were hurt in preserving it. They have even 
appUed rigorous exclusion to Indians and other Asiatics 
who are also British subjects. In some cases they have 
excluded all Chinese and Japanese and seem to have 
made their peace with the Japanese government. 

We do not wish to exclude the Japanese by name for 
fear of wounding their pride. I suggest that if the issue 
were settled definitely now, they would grow reconciled, 
as they have done in the case of the British Dominions, 
while if we allow it to drag along without settlement it 
will mean more trouble in the end. It is ridiculous to 
suppose that we dare not follow the example of Australia 
and New Zealand in attacking this problem bravely and 
arriving at a sane and prompt solution. 



CHAPTER XIV 
Japan 

In the last Chapter I mentioned the fact that the 
question of our relations with Japan is being brought 
to our attention more insistently every day. Many 
aspects of these relations are complex and not easy to 
pass judgment upon. Some facts emerge clearly; one 
is that the Japanese people have been growing at a rapid 
rate for the last fifty years. This growth has been stimu- 
lated by the government, which has helped to bring it 
about and then has adduced the fact as a reason for 
taking over more territory. 

It would be mere hypocrisy for us to blame them 
unduly. This policy is only borrowed from the Cauca- 
sian nations. However, Japan has been introducing 
religion to assist in its political schemes in a pecuharly 
menacing way. Since the rise of Imperial Japan the 
Shinto ReHgion has been fostered by the state and the 
attempt has been made to bring every Japanese within 
its fold, even when holding other religions. It is a cult 
half religious, half patriotic, which centers around the 
worship of ancestors, and more particularly the ancestors 
of the Emperor. This upholds the dynasty, increases 
patriotism, welds the nation closer together, and tends 



Japan 85 

to increase the population; for every man will naturally 
wish a large number of children to worship his departed 
spirit. 

So children big and little, generally in crying need of 
a handkerchief, are a most conspicuous part of any 
Japanese landscape. The rate of increase is high. The 
people need more land and food. Accordingly, Japan 
has taken Formosa, Korea, Sakhalin, Southern Man- 
churia and Shantung and is endeavoring to absorb 
Mongolia and Eastern Siberia. From the Japanese 
point of view this is very simple, but these lands have 
been occupied by other races, who are now suffering 
under Japanese domination and are appealing to us for 
help. The peoples of the mainland of Asia are united 
in dread and dislike of Japanese aggression. They look 
across the Pacific to America as the one nation who is 
likely to aid them. 

We have two strong motives for curbing this new 
imperiahsm: — first, our natural sympathy for people 
who are forced to submit to a foreign rule; secondly, the 
protection of our own interests. The Japanese wish 
to estabHsh a Monroe Doctrine for Asia. This would 
be very unHke our poHcy in South America or the poUcy 
of the British Empire. We have practiced a poUcy of 
open trade and equal rights for all nations. Wherever 
the Japanese flag goes in Asia we may expect to see our 
trade wither away, for they practice a complete com- 
mercial exploitation that forces out the traders of other 
countries. 



86 The Hope of the Future 

Our commercial travellers are learning to avoid the 
parts of Asia occupied by Japan. Their samples are 
" lost," their goods delayed for months in Japanese 
ports, their price hsts stolen, their patented articles 
most brazenly counterfeited. If other means fail, 
another hindrance to our trade lies in the system of 
rebates granted to Japanese merchants on Japanese 
ships and railways. It is easier for us to do business in 
Japan itself than in their annexed territories. If Japan's 
" Monroe Doctrine " becomes a fact, then much of our 
trade in Asia is doomed. 

The most menacing aspect of the present situation 
lies in the grip the Japanese now hold along the coast 
and in the ports and harbors. They have been bottling 
up China so that we must cross Japanese influence to 
get to the Chinese. They are now engaged in taking 
hold of the vital communication centers of Eastern 
Siberia. In the Russo-Japanese War they gained the 
South Manchurian Railway as far as Chang Chung. 
Now through subsidized mercenaries they have planted 
themselves in Harben and Nikelsk. These are the 
three important railway junctions. They are at Vladi- 
vostok, the only ice-free port in Siberia, the place where 
in future American goods must pass through in order to 
arrive in the interior. 

This country of Siberia is twice the size of the United 
States, a land of marvellous potentialities. Its climate 
is too cold to suit the Japanese and they probably will 
never try to settle it. But they are trying to hold the 



Japan 87 

coast line and important railway centers. If they suc- 
ceed they will be able to shut off our goods from the 
interior and turn all that vast market of the future over 
to Japan. 

I beHeve that if the Japanese move into the vacant 
lands themselves and wish to extend their own govern- 
ment, they have a perfect right to do it; but that is a 
very different affair from establishing a strangle hold 
upon the commerce of other nations. We must keep 
the road clear to all people who may wish to trade with 
us. Not only for ourselves should we stand by the 
" Open Door," but we should support it as a principle 
that benefits all peoples, both buyer and seller. It is 
the only fair way of dealing. We should not seek for 
America any advantages which are not shared by all, 
but should strenuously oppose any nation that seeks to 
deny us a fair chance. 

China feels that we are her friend. She is turning to 
us in politics and education; she is a great market for 
our goods and will be even more important to us in the 
future. At present we are preferred to the British 
because the latter are still in alliance with Japan. The 
Chinese have instituted a boycott of Japanese goods, 
their only weapon — and this aversion is extending to 
British products. From a purely commercial point of 
view, we could sell American products in Asia by capital- 
izing the Anglo-Japanese Alliance and the hostility it 
evokes for our own benefit. In the long run this pohcy 
would be short-sighted and foohsh, — for it would run 



88 The Hope of the Future 

counter to our larger interests, — international friend- 
ship, disarmament, and a lasting peace. 

We ought to make it known to Great Britain that this 
AlHance would complicate her neutrality in a possible 
war. Alliances always do. It will always be a stumbhng 
block in the way of complete friendship between us. 
Yet we should reahze that Britain cannot evade this 
bond or break it as easily as she made it. A complete 
break would place Japan in an intolerable position and 
might force a war. If the Alliance is maintained as at 
present it will drag Britain still more into support of 
policies which are contrary to her real interests. 

Any student of history knows that an alliance does not 
check the undesirable aims of one power. It only limits 
the possibiUty of their being controlled. An ally may 
complain under its breath, but in the end its business is 
to give support. Britain has viewed with alarm the 
rising Imperialism of Japan, but her hands have been 
tied. The only way out of the difficulty lies in reaching 
an understanding between Japan, China, Great Britain 
and the United States. We must combine for China's 
protection. The Dominions that border the Pacific 
should be included. They have the same desire to 
preserve peace and security. 

We desire nothing for ourselves that we do not also 
desire for Canada, Australia, New Zealand, China and 
Japan. We do not wish to hem in the Japanese people, — 
they have a right to growth. Nothing that we do or say 
should cause them to feel we are trying to injure them. 



Japan 89 

Above all, in dealing with Japan we ought to remember 
that the great mass of the nation is not responsible for 
the policy of the government under which they live. 
This is true of all nations; it is much more true of Japan. 
There, less than ten per cent have the vote. When it is 
exercised, the only result is the election of the Diet, a 
body whose will is at any moment likely to be over- 
ridden by the Elder Statesmen, who are in control of the 
military clans. When we speak of the aggression of 
Japan, we mean the plans of a few old generals, trained 
in the bad old diplomacy that has failed in Europe. 

If we are fair and honest with Japan the probability 
is that a wave of liberal feeling will in the near future 
sweep over the Island Empire. Her citizens are most 
heavily taxed; they can be trusted to put an end to 
militarism if they have a chance. We should not play 
upon the fears of Japan or wave the " Big Stick." That 
will only give a new lease of power to the autocrats. 

Her Foreign Office reaUzes only too well that Japanese 
resources are not adequate for a modern war. When all 
nations of the Pacific are grouped around the council 
board, I believe they will not be long in coming to a 
reasonable settlement. We do not want an Alliance of 
the Pacific; — what we want is protection for the weaker 
nations and a reasonable opportunity for all to develop 
in their own way, toward what they beheve to be their 
destiny. 



CHAPTER XV 

Thr Future of Western Civilization 

The question of our relations with Japan comes now 
before us, yet it is only a small part of a much greater 
problem that over-shadows the future, namely, — what 
is to be the relationship between the dominant Western 
civihzation and the less advanced Eastern culture. 
Behind Japan stand the millions of China, India, 
Africa, and the East Indies, with the mixed races of 
Central America and the Carribean Archipelago. This 
problem, though not crying for immediate solution, is 
growing silently. Some day it may burst in a storm of 
racial conflict, unless a wise and statesmanUke attitude 
on our part can avert disaster. 

Back of this question lies the history of the last four 
hundred years, — a record of cruelty, of sordid commer- 
cial exploitation that we would like to forget. We may 
indeed forget it, but will the other races forgive us? 
They are now advancing in education and power. Will 
they attempt a new imperialism or endeavor to take 
revenge for centuries of subjugation and slavery? 

It is too late to halt the progress of the Eastern peoples. 
So far have they travelled on the road to power that we 
cannot turn them back. We must be prepared gradu- 



The Future of Western Civilization 91 

ally to share with them the privileges which have hitherto 
been ours alone. Our question of difference lies in 
the method by which we mean to lead these races to a 
position of equality with ourselves. 

America has maintained a policy of non-interference. 
To all applicants, we gladly give good advice. We 
pride ourselves on letting other people alone; we believe 
that they have a right to mismanage their own affairs. 
We are suspicious of European Imperialism. It is use- 
less to try to conceal the dislike which the word Empire 
evokes among the vast majority of Americans. The 
greatest gulf between Britain and America lies in this 
difference in attitude. (The Irish question is only a 
small part of the issue.) 

Americans think back to the time of the War of 
Independence. In those days we found British rule 
oppressive and so broke away from what was then the 
Empire. All our national pride centers around this 
separation, which we feel made possible our subsequent 
growth and prosperity and brought us to our present 
important place in the modern world. We cannot help 
thinking, (privately at least) that we pointed the way 
to the remaining portions of the British Empire and 
set them a wise example. 

When any subject people sets up a new nation and 
establishes its independence, we experience a thrill of 
sympathy. To us they can always look for support. 
This spirit reflects credit upon our qualities of warm- 
heartedness and human brotherhood. Yet our sym- 



92 The Hope of the Future 

pathy is not always well placed for it often overlooks 
the practical aspects of the situation and the real interest 
of the peoples involved. 

We hold a prejudice against the British Empire as 
such largely because we fail to understand it. History 
is on our side. No Englishman will deny that there is 
much in the past that ought never to have happened. 
Many of the acts and motives of Empire builders would 
not accord with present ideas of morality. The only 
point of importance now is that we are faced with 
results, and no amount of argument about the past 
affects the problem of what we shall do with the Empire 
that has been created. 

The country which can best serve as an example is 
India. Here the British came as traders into an Empire 
that was on the point of breaking up. The Mogul 
Emperors had lost their grip and the country was falling 
into anarchy. Robber states sprang up and lived by 
plundering their neighbors. The East India Company 
was on the spot with a few trusty British soldiers. 

In order to protect their own interests, they were 
compelled to embark on the stormy political sea of the 
times. Without realizing it they became masters of the 
mighty Empire. The disintegration of other govern- 
ments left them in complete control, and what is more 
important, with the responsibility for the welfare of 
millions of helpless natives. 

It was a private company engaged in trade that 
attained this power. When the mutiny came and 



The Future of Western Civilization 93 

British lives were endangered, the government was 
compelled to take over the administration to protect 
lives and property, and it has been saddled with the 
responsibihty ever since. Even should they wish to do 
so, it is impossible for the British to rehnquish their 
hold. 

It would be of no benefit for India to change masters, 
to pass, for instance, under American, Russian, Japanese, 
or German control. No one suggests that the British 
are not as competent as anyone to rule there. Most 
people would be willing to admit that experience has 
made them more capable than we should be. We hear 
agitation for Home Rule in India. The British Govern- 
ment is proceeding as rapidly as it dares with a program 
for giving the Indian people more power. The present 
poHcy of the Government is to provide education, and 
as fast as the people are capable of self-government turn 
the administration over to them. 

It may have been wrong for the British ever to enter 
India. It would certainly be wrong for them to leave 
her until she is prepared to govern herself. They are 
doing only their plain duty by remaining even in the 
face of criticism and hostihty. If the British left India 
to her fate she might be conquered by another nation 
If that did not happen, she would certainly become the 
victim of internal anarchy. Her people are divided into 
rehgious groups who are always eager to fly at each 
other's throats. Of late the leaders of both Hindus and 
Mohammedans have shown an inchnation to unite, but 



94 The Hope of the Future 

this tendency has not extended to the rank and file of 
their followers. 

Even if the natives should live in peace, nothing could 
protect the plains of Northern India from the ravages of 
the wild tribes of the Northwest Frontier and Afghanis- 
tan. These warlike hillmen would plunder the peaceable 
farmers and the rich cities alike. There is a common 
proverb among them that if the British should depart, 
in a few weeks there would remain not a virgin nor a 
rupee in Bengal. Those who complain of British rule 
in India little realize that Britain can fulfill her duty- 
only by continuing that rule until the country is able to 
govern itself. 

In America we are unaware of the importance of the 
fact that Britain practically keeps the peace of Asia. 
Certain industries are utterly dependent upon the 
preservation of that peace. The rubber for our motor 
tires is produced largely in the Malay States and the 
East Indies. From the Malay States also comes tin, 
that indispensable product for modern food preservation. 

The world is so small and closely linked that we would 
be disastrously affected by any outbreak in the East. 
A short time ago the Ameer of Afghanistan died and 
was succeeded by a nephew who assumed an anti- 
British policy. The result was a flame of unrest that 
swept the Mohammedan world, and finally led to an 
uprising of the Moros in the far away Philippines. 

Britain is now the trustee of the Mohammedan peoples, 
many of whom are restless and a constant menace. 



The Future of Western Civilization 95 

Some nation or group of nations must exercise control — 
a necessary but thankless task. We can well be glad 
that we receive all the benefits of peace with a minimum 
of effort to maintain it. It would be perilous indeed 
were the dissatisfied elements among the Mohammedans 
to combine with the military party in Japan, or con- 
versely, with the Bolshevic Government. More than 
any other factor it is Britain who is keeping these explo- 
sive forces from uniting to produce a general debacle 
in the East. 

In America we must think as we have not be- 
fore thought, of the effect of our pohcy in Asia. 
Even unofficial newspaper articles may cause a con- 
siderable disturbance there. Above all, we should 
never adopt in the East what can be interpreted as an 
anti-British policy. That would divide the forces that 
are working for peace and order. It is only those 
who desire to overturn civilization for their own purposes 
that would rejoice. The military chiefs of Japan, the 
revolution mongers of Eastern bazaars, the Communists 
of Moscow, the Junkers of Berlin, — these would wel- 
come a break between Britain and America. 



CHAPTER XVI 

The World an Economic Unit 

All talk of international friendship is discounted by 
certain critics, who think they have discovered that the 
moving force in the world is money. " Behind all mili- 
tary and naval rivalries, diplomatic contests, and popu- 
lar hatreds, are working the rival business interests of 
each great power, seeking oil, minerals, railway conces- 
sions, markets, financial domination. Peace is only an 
armed truce between these forces; sooner or later the 
clash of conflicting interests will produce another World 
War." 

Upon most of us statements hke this exert a strong 
attraction. They have a pleasant flavor of pessimism, 
a cynicism that makes us feel superior to the ordinary 
well-meaning person. They seem to afford a key, with 
which, at small intellectual cost, we may unlock diplo- 
matic mysteries and become initiated into the society 
of those favored folk who drop hints that they could 
tell something about the Peace Conference that would 
startle us, or whisper that they know a man who knows 
who killed the Czar. 

Plenty of business men take this attitude. They see 
that when their firm obtains an order, some other firm 
loses it. A natural extension of this principle, would 



The World an Economic Unit 97 

aflarm that there is just so much trade in the world; 
that some nation is going to get the most of it and that 
others will be pushed to the wall; that we must fight for 
trade with our rivals, and crush them or in turn be 
crushed. This notion that business competition must 
lead us to destroy one another is as vicious as the British 
Trade Union poUcy " Ca Canny," the restriction of 
output. 

People who accept such views fail to see the truth. 
There does not exist a fixed fund of wages, of commodi- 
ties, of supply and demand. There is no Hmit to the 
possible demand for goods. It is restricted only by lack 
of the wherewithal to purchase. This money can be made 
only by producing goods, in return for other goods that 
are desired. Trade can best be pictured as a vast 
machine. Speeding up the machine means high produc- 
tion and consumption of commodities; that is what we 
call prosperity. Parts of this machinery are running 
very slowly or are almost stopped, as in Soviet Russia. 
Since the machinery is imperfectly geared, it is running 
at varying rates of speed in different parts of the world; 
but these parts are related none the less. 

If one part goes faster, the increase of movement 
spreads gradually to all the others. If war, famine, 
or revolution slows down production in any continent, 
the ill effect is felt everywhere. Prosperity comes more 
or less simultaneously to all the great trading nations. 
Before the War, the United States, Great Britain, 
Germany, France, and the smaller powers were rapidly 



98 The Hope of the Future 

extending their trade with one another. The increase 
of business in one country was paralleled in each of the 
rest. 

When Japan, China, India, South America, and 
Africa can be raised to our standard of production and 
consumption, we shall see wonderful prosperity all over 
the world. The nations are partners, not rivals. We 
ought to wish more business to our competitors; for in 
the end it means more for us. It is in the interest of 
all to speed up the machinery and to repair its parts 
that have been broken by the War. This great machine 
of production and consumption is functioning very 
slowly in Asia where it is clogged by ignorance and 
superstition. In the Western World it is held back 
by war, huge armaments, high taxes, government restric- 
tions, high tariffs, industrial unrest, hatred between rich 
and poor and between the peoples who fought on 
opposite sides in the War and finally by racial and 
rehgious prejudices. 

We want to see American business prosper. To keep 
it on a firm basis of lasting prosperity we must do our 
best to maintain the peace of the world, and to co-operate 
with other nations. We shall gain no permanent advan- 
tage by hurting their trade. It will be unwise for us to 
try to crowd them out of enterprises which are necessary 
to their existence; one great example is the shipping 
industry. 

America should have her own merchant marine; we 
have a right to carry a fair proportion of our exports and 



The World an Economic Unit 99 

imports; but we ought not to forget that for us it is 
more or less of a luxury. Our people in this enormous 
country are so well occupied in normal times that we 
could afford to employ and did employ the ships of other 
nations in our trade. The case of Britain, Norway or 
Japan is quite different. They are countries of small 
extent and large population, whose shipping is absolutely 
necessary to keep their people at the level of bare sub- 
sistence. It would be not only unprofitable but even 
wicked for us to attempt to injure the carrying trade of 
these nations which seem destined for the sea. 

Ultimately, I should like to see the removal of cus- 
toms barriers between all nations. At present, that 
ideal is not practicable; because standards of living and 
prices differ so widely. There is, however, one step that 
we can take in the next few years that would benefit us 
enormously. This is the complete removal of all tariffs 
and import restrictions between the English-speaking 
nations. 

During the last century prices and wages have ruled 
lower in England than in America. We have included 
her among the European countries whose cheap labour 
we feared. That is not true today. Prices and general 
costs of production are fairly on a level in all the British 
Dominions, the United States and Great Britain. There 
is no more discrepancy between them than there is 
between different states of the Union. 

The practical results of such a measure would be to 
open our American market to British goods on terms of 



100 The Hope of the Future 

equality with our own. This would mean increased 
sales of high class luxury articles, the very finest motor 
cars, the best grades of textiles, fine leather products, 
potteries, and heavy machinery. Such a policy would 
also throw wide the doors of the Dominions to our goods. 
We should sell more patented articles, toilet prepara- 
tions, low-priced motor cars, motor cycles, ready-made 
clothing, boots and shoes, hardware, and electrical 
supplies. 

It would mean enlarging the natural markets and 
stimulating trade. Our manufacturers would not be 
ruined ; — far from it. (Even now, when we are buying 
the best grades of English woolens in spite of the tariff, 
we are selling in Great Britain large quantities of cheaper 
woolens that we are in a position to make more cheaply.) 
It would weld the EngHsh-speaking nations into a 
powerful economic unit in their dealings with the rest of 
the world. It would aid the growth of the Dominions 
and our business there. It would eliminate causes of 
friction and would tend to unite our thinking in fields 
other than trade. It would bind us together so closely 
that war would cease to be a possibihty. 

Every American knows that it has proved a great 
blessing to have the United States a single economic 
unit. Why not extend the benefits to cover aU the 
Enghsh-speaking world? It may seem a bold step, but 
no more so than the original decision to aboHsh barriers 
of trade between the Thirteen Colonies. When we were 
under the Articles of Confederation each State had the 



The World an Economic Unit 101 

power to hold up trade from the others. There is on 
record a celebrated case of some timber cut in the State 
of Maine that floated down s,tream and was frozen in 
the ice on the New Hampshire side of the river. The 
owners had to pay the State of New Hampshire the duty 
on imported timber. 

That seems absurd today. Our present tariff laws 
will seem equally foolish in the future, when all the lands 
inhabited by men of our speech wiU seem like home to us 
and when as we travel in them we will have no feeling of 
being in a foreign country. Then our newspapers and 
magazines will freely circulate over all this vast area 
because they will have so much material of common 
interest. Our students will mingle in the universities, our 
manufactured goods sell indiscriminately. We will ex- 
change ideas and inventions, for our patents will 
cover the whole territory. I beUeve that Britain wiU 
ultimately adopt a decimal system of coinage, and that 
regulations for banking and currency will be adjusted 
to each other. We wiU travel without passports in 
each other's territory. Such a pooling of interests and 
activities may well serve as a model for aU the other 
nations. 



CHAPTER XVII 

Bkitish Business Methods 

It was Napoleon who called the English a " Nation of 
Shop-keepers." This reputation dates from the found- 
ing of the great trading companies, such as the Hudson 
Bay Company, The East India Company and the 
Muscovy Company. They entered late into the field of 
International trade, for the ItaHans, Spanish, and Dutch 
had all made great beginnings in the mercantile world 
while the British were still an ignorant island people, 
feeding sheep, drinking ale, and fighting. It may have 
been because of this late start that they have since made 
such stupendous progress. 

They have laid the foundations of business so surely 
that they now have a permanent hold upon the foreign 
trade of the world ; a hold which outlasts panics, strikes, 
and trade depressions. Even the Great War effected 
only a temporary check to their trade; it is already 
apparent that the British are coming back into their old 
markets. It will profit Americans to examine the 
methods which they have used in attaining such a 
status. We shall find no uncanny shrewdness, no subtle 
plan extending over decades and centuries, as has been 
alleged by disappointed rivals. The British have won 
their trade by a rather unimaginative reliance upon the 



British Business Methods 103 

elementary principles of honesty and sound common 
sense. 

The " word of an Englishman " is a phrase that is 
used to express perfect honesty and fair deahng, the 
world over. I do not know that the British are now so 
much more honest than other traders, but they have 
won a reputation and take great pride in living up to it. 
There is a presumption in favor of the Briton wherever 
he may travel. Each trader is assumed to be honest 
until proved the contrary. 

An Englishman was telling me the other day of a visit 
to Italy where he had seen a necklace in a shop window. 
He inquired the price and was told that it was $600. 
He had not so much money with him and went away. 
The owner of the shop called on him later in his hotel 
with the necklace, saying that he would take a check in 
payment. The Englishman had no check book; so 
he wrote out an order to lus bank on a piece of wrapping 
paper, and took the necklace home to England. 

Look at ourselves for a moment: We have been 
pleased to spread the idea that we are " smart "; every- 
one knows at least one funny story of how some Yankee 
made a sharp business deal. Foreigners laugh at these 
stories and then place their confidence in, and orders 
with British houses, who give the impression of simple 
honesty. I leave the reader to judge which is really 
the shrewder business poHcy. 

British firms take a deep pride in their reputation. 
Some of them have been established for centuries, many 



104 The Hope of the Future . 

date back to the beginning of the Industrial Revolution. 
The ownership of the firm is handed down from father to 
son and even in the case of limited liability companies, 
into which most of the larger houses are now converted, 
the management remains in the family. This brings 
family pride into business. No undertaking is judged on 
its immediate results alone. The great consideration 
is always the future. This gives an element of perma- 
nence and stabiHty to British houses that we seldom 
possess in America. 

We are too prone to try to make money quickly, with- 
out thinking beyond the first few years. We feel that 
what happens to the firm after we are gone is the concern 
of the men who will come after us. Such a policy is too 
spasmodic for dealing in the Export Trade. Americans 
representing our exporters go abroad for a few years 
hoping to " make a stake " and then return home. If 
they succeed, their effort is only temporary and its effects 
are soon lost. What we need in American Foreign 
Trade is more companies that are prepared to main- 
tain an organization overseas, in lean years as well as 
fat, and men who wiU go out with the expectation of 
spending their working lives abroad in the interest of 
their firm. We cannot carry on the export of our goods 
intermittently, or merely to reduce the seasonal glut of 
commodities. Foreign Trade is a profession and we 
must take it seriously if we wish to make a success of it. 

British firms have a wonderful record for keeping their 
contracts, no matter what circumstances arise to make 



British Business Methods 105 

them unprofitable. I found that during the latter part 
of the War and after the Armistice, British goods were 
being supplied to customers in Australia and the Far 
East at 1914 prices. This was in fulfillment of pre-war 
contracts, and at a time when prices in many cases had 
advanced one hundred per cent or more. At the same 
time American firms were cabhng that they were out of 
stock of the articles they had contracted to supply but 
that they could supply similar quality from a later stock 
at an advance in price. Is it any wonder then, that when 
depression comes, what business remains goes to the 
British firm? 

I have said before that people in Great Britain take a 
wider and a more intelhgent interest in foreign countries 
than we do. They are immensely better informed 
about business customs, and the local prejudices of 
customers in every country. We try to do things as 
they are done at home and expect others to hke it. 
Some of the blunders that our firms make in their dealing 
abroad are almost unbelievable. A firm in Tientsin, 
China, ordered some goods from a glass manufacturer 
in Pittsburgh. The American firm cabled an inquiry 
as to the method of payment. The reply was, "We 
are sending Letter of Credit." The Americans had 
evidently never heard of this way of transmitting funds, 
and so cabled " Our terms are strictly cash." Our 
firms sometimes make most ridiculous mistakes, address- 
ing important letters to the wrong continent, shipping 
winter woolens for sale in the Tropics. I have known 



106 The Hope of the Future 

them to ship motor cars to China without checking the 
shipment properly to see that all parts were included, 
with the result that the unfortunate purchasers were 
compelled to write for missing parts and wait six months 
before taking the first ride. 

But perhaps the worst mistake we have made is in 
the selection of our foreign salesmen. The breezy 
drummer who " catches on " in the Middle West, who 
has made friends with every hotel clerk in his state and 
who probably carries a " wicked line " of humor, is not 
at all the man to go abroad. His free and easy ways 
are misunderstood, his attempts at friendship are 
repulsed, he is considered vulgar, and very likely will 
never meet the men with money, who alone can give 
the orders he is after. The only way to be properly 
represented abroad is to send young men who can 
be trained on the spot to understand what the local 
market demands. There is no short cut to success. 
The methods of the British have been to get a thorough 
knowledge of the country, to send their young men 
abroad at an early age, to supplement their export 
houses by British banks and shipping companies, to 
obtain concessions for large undertakings, and stipulate 
that only British products should be used. It is by 
the adoption of similar measures that we will also succeed. 

We shall never progress far if we expect to do our 
Exporting through foreign agents. The Japanese are 
loud in declaring that they are our natural partners in 
Asia; that they are familiar with local conditions and 



British Business Methods 107 

are fitted to represent us better than we can be repre- 
sented through our own citizens. Anyone who knows 
the Japanese knows that the only business we should 
ever get through them, would be business that they did 
not themselves want. In the past they have taken 
agencies for our goods merely to kill their sales. If 
we cannot have our own men on the spot, then we would 
do well to employ British agents; for we could be sure 
that they would deal fairly with us. 

I believe that British and Americans can co-operate 
in business matters. Throughout the East we are fast 
friends. Our representatives there trust each other, 
play the same games — tennis, golf, and sometimes 
polo, in their local country clubs. We stand for the 
same ideas of local government in places hke Shanghai, 
where government is by an international committee. 
We share membership in churches and fraternal organiza- 
tions. Our children attend English-speaking schools 
together, our boys are both enthusiastic Boy Scouts. 
We feel that in all important questions there can be 
no real difference between us. No two independent 
nations have ever before achieved so large a measure of 
co-operation. It is a favorable omen for an understand- 
ing upon larger issues. 



CHAPTER XVIII 

The Necessity of Foreign Trade 

The history of the past century has been mainly a 
record of the exploitation of natural resources. In 
America this has been extremely rapid. Our people 
have developed the technique of this exploitation. We 
have been proud of the way in which industry has 
expanded over new parts of the continent. The growth 
of new cities and states has been phenomenal. This 
has not been confined to any one section, it is part of 
our national character. Our whole people has been in a 
state of flux. Any new thing has been seized upon with 
eagerness and has been more quickly brought to maturity 
than in other countries. 

The past two decades have seen the rise of two new 
industries previously unknown. These are the Auto- 
mobile and the Moving Picture. Neither of these was 
originated in America, but in a few years they have so 
expanded in this country that we have set the pace for 
the world. At the present time we are the headquarters 
of these industries. It can be safely predicted that 
if any new discovery is made in the next few years, that 
is capable of great practical application, it wiU be more 
fully exploited here than in the country of its origin. 
Americans have an ajG&nity for new things. 



The Necessity of Foreign Trade 109 

This readiness to develop new discoveries to the full 
has its good and bad side. And has both for good and 
evil affected our business relations with other countries. 
The better side of the American way of doing things is 
that we have taken advantage of scientific knowledge 
as have no other people, when all sides of national Ufe 
are considered. We have been quick to place Science 
at the service of Industry. 

The unfortunate side lies in the fact that we have 
rushed headlong into new industries without waiting to 
lay plans for the future. During the past century we 
have been using the stored up wealth of milhons of years. 
We have cut down our forests, exhausted the fertility of 
our soils, wasted our coal, oil and natural gas. The 
fault has not been so much with the persons engaged in 
these industries as with the whole nation. 

America must realize that she has been squandering 
her resources. The prosperity of the past has been 
made possible by the rapid way in which we have used 
this stored up wealth. We have been hving upon 
capital and not from income. We have become accus- 
tomed to make our living easily, without reahzing that 
the whole history of America from the time of its dis- 
covery till the present is an unusual, I might almost say 
an abnormal one. 

When these temporary resources are exhausted, then 
we shall be forced to struggle for our existence as the 
people of Europe and Asia are accustomed to struggle. 
We cannot keep on relying on the export of natural raw 



110 The Hope of the Future 

materials and fuels to bring us wealth. Our petroleum 
will all be gone in a generation. The United States 
Geological Survey says that there exists only enough for 
fifteen years at our present rate of consumption. 

Our anthracite coal will be exhausted before the end of 
this century. Our timber is only capable of holding out 
for a few years more. We shall have to import oil, 
timber, meat products and wheat before many years 
pass. Our hope lies in doing what Europe has done 
before us; that is to become an exporter of manufactured 
goods. The internal conditions of American industry 
favor this. We have become accustomed to the use of 
machinery wherever it is possible. The amount of horse 
power employed per man in industry is higher here than 
anywhere else. That fact together with a faster pace, 
greater efficiency and new processes, gives us a high out- 
put as compared to Europe. The American workman 
produces about two and one half times as much in value 
as does the British workman in the same time. The 
British are the most efficient workers in Europe. As for 
Asiatics, they are far below the European standard. 

This is also accounted for in part by the large scale 
production made possible by the size of the American 
market. American business men are famihar with mass 
production and are well equipped to manufacture on a 
large scale for the Export Trade. In all the essentials 
of a great exporting nation we seein well prepared. We 
have Httle to learn about manufacturing or finishing 
processes. 



The Necessity of Foreign Trade 111 

It is only after the goods leave the factory that we 
have a great deal to learn from Europe. It is not too 
much to say that we are without any national exporting 
poHcy. There is not and there has never been any 
system by which the ordinary products of our small 
factories could find a ready outlet in foreign markets. 
Our position almost alone on the continent has made 
us diffident about exporting; we are free enough about 
sending goods to Canada or Mexico. 

Our high tariff poHcy has discouraged the building up 
of the Export Trade. It may have been very useful 
when we were small and had undeveloped industries. 
But now we are more in the position in which England 
was one hundred years ago. We are strong enough to 
stand alone in foreign trade without government sup- 
port. It seems rather strange that as the British 
Government is entering upon a disguised policy of protec- 
tion we are questioning more and more the wisdom of our 
tariff waU. It is not at all strange. It is only because 
our positions have been reversed. Only one nation at a 
time, the strongest commercially, can afford to let down 
the bars and meet competition from all quarters. 

But the real cause of our lack of faciHties for the 
Export Trade has been the fact, that we have not felt 
the need of any such trade until recently. What exports 
we sent abroad were raw materials hke cotton or else 
the products of our large highly organized corporations. 
Some of these have been so successful at home that the 
natural impetus of business has carried them into foreign 



112 The Hope of the Future 

fields; there to be many times the sole representatives 
of American commerce. 

They have in many cases been highly successful and 
have built up marvelous systems of managers and sales- 
men abroad. To show how completely some of these com- 
panies have sold their products abroad, I will cite a case 
from the Ural Mountains between Russia and Siberia. 
Here in CheHabinsk, a town of about fifty thou- 
sand inhabitants, a census of sewing machines was taken 
in the Winter of 1919, in order to determine the available 
facilities at hand for reclothing returning Russian Pris- 
oners of War. This census disclosed the fact that the 
town had five thousand Singer Sewing Machines. If 
one company can thus place its product in such quantities 
in the very heart of the Russian Empire, there must be 
a brilliant future for American Exports. 



CHAPTER XIX 

Organizing for Exports 

It must be remembered, however, that it has only 
been the exception for an American company to deal 
largely abroad. The ordinary firm lacks both knowledge 
and facihties. There are many things that we ought to 
learn about foreign trade. The first is that it is totally 
different from domestic. 

For many years in the future it seems likely that we 
shall be dealing in a " Buyers' Market." The customer 
is going to call the tune. When we undertake to sell 
any of our goods abroad, we must realize that we must 
do business as the buyer demands, not as we think best. 
We should alter our methods in different lands to suit 
the varying moods and prejudices of the people. 

The American Exporter is not in business to convert 
other people to our ideas. He is only a success if he 
sells increasing quantities of goods. The old saying 
" When in Rome do as the Romans do " is not half 
strong enough to express the care we ought to take 
when trying to sell the Romans a bill of goods. We 
must not carry with us distinctly American manners, 
clothes, habits, or accent if these things are not pleasing 
to our customers. 



114 The Hope of the Future 

This is a hard lesson for Americans to learn. But if 
we cannot stomach it, then somebody else will get the 
business; some nation whose exporters are willing to 
make greater efforts than are ours. The country that 
has pursued this method with conspicuous success in 
the past was Germany. One of the best examples of 
her methods is the story of the German salesman who 
made huge sales of images of Ganesh, the Hindu God of 
luck. 

This enterprising German set up his stand near the 
large temples of India on days of pilgrimage and worship. 
He wore no shoes or leather belt, but instead had straw 
sandals and a wisp of straw about his waist. To a 
pious Hindu a cow is sacred and leather articles are an 
offence to his susceptibilities. The appearance of a 
European who showed such consideration for his feelings 
was surprising and pleasant. The Hindus bought the 
little images in great quantities. 

I am not suggesting that American salesmen should 
give up wearing shoes, but this story is an indication of 
the way we must go about the export business. When 
we know any given market we must make sure that we 
have the right kind of men to send there. I have sug- 
gested elsewhere that they should be sent young into the 
foreign field and kept abroad for long periods. 

We will never get the best of our young men to spend 
years of their lives away from America, until we as a 
nation take a more general interest in the affairs of the 
outside world. We must teach our children in school, 



Organizing for Exports 115 

more of the history and geography of other lands. We 
must encourage the study of foreign languages. When the 
younger generation are interested in the rest of the world 
it will not be difficult to find men to fill these positions. 
At the present time they are not interested because they 
know so little of the world outside America. 

In addition we must face the problem of the organiza- 
tion of our industrial and commercial life to stimulate 
the Export Trade. Up to the present time there have 
been two methods of doing business abroad. Our 
practice was a continuation of the old method worked 
out in England at the time of the Industrial Revolution. 
It is the organization of stock companies that carry 
on all sorts of business. 

These companies vary greatly in size and resources. 
In practice it is not possible for a small company to 
engage in business abroad. There are of course excep- 
tions, but it is almost universal to find that the bulk of 
the trade passes through the hands of the larger firms, 
who have the money to carry them over times of depres- 
sion and who can set aside funds to extend their company 
into new fields. 

The products that we have shipped to the Export 
market have been mainly those that have come under 
the control of large corporations. We have built up an 
important trade in Steel and Steel Products, in Oil, 
in Tobacco. In these lines the American output is in 
the hands of a few large firms. On the contrary, such 
an industry as the Coal Trade has not been important 



116 The Hope of the Future 

in the list of past exporters. One can safely predict 
that the present huge shipments of American coal abroad 
are merely temporary. They will cease when the abnor- 
mal condition of the industry in Europe is overcome, 
unless in the meantime our Coal Operators can put the 
industry on a sounder footing in this country. 

A deduction from this fact would seem to be that if the 
industries of America all came under the control of a 
few huge trusts, our exports could be handled scientif- 
ically. This may be true, but the American People 
are not disposed to allow their industries to be thus 
controlled. A vast increase in our Export Trade would 
not compensate us for the loss of our industrial liberty 
at home. Some other way will have to be found. A 
solution seems to have been reached in parts of Europe. 

In Germany and in other European countries to a 
lesser degree, the last three decades have seen the forma- 
tion of pools or Cartels, composed of the firms engaged in 
any particular trade. These were loosely organized for 
the purpose mainly of increasing exports. They were 
in most cases under government protection and control, 
and enabled the smaller firms to share in the export of 
various commodities. Prices were fixed by the pool. 
Orders were divided among the participating firms in a 
fixed ratio. 

Results have seemed to justify the wisdom of this 
policy. Under it the trade of Germany expanded 
marvelously before the War, and now these principles 
have been tacitly adopted by Allied countries. The 



Orgcmizing for Exports 117 

adoption of some plan of this sort means a more active 
participation of the Federal Government in industry 
than has been our poUcy. It is bound to entail far- 
reaching consequences in the centrahzation of power in 
Washington, and the growth of even greater aggrega- 
tions of capital than are seen at the present day. 

This is a difficult task for a government that is trying 
to be representative of the people and truly democratic, 
but it is necessary if we are to advance in the world of 
trade. We can no longer pretend to separate Govern- 
ment from Business. We may as well recognize the 
fact that we Uve by industry and commerce, and that it 
ought to be a matter of concern to the whole nation how 
this industry is conducted. 



CHAPTER XX 
Selling Goods Abroad 

In the last few chapters I have tried to show how we 
must organize ourselves at home in order to increase our 
trade abroad. This included the education of children 
in foreign affairs, the mobilization of finance and industry 
for greater power, the selection of our best young men as 
representatives, and the permanence of our overseas 
connections. To these should be added the services of 
American Banks and Merchant Marine. Both of these 
services are necessary for the preservation of our trade 
and are an insurance against discrimination by other 
nations. 

We should not judge our Merchant Marine by direct 
profit and loss alone. It may at any time be neces- 
sary to maintain our touch with some market that would 
otherwise be lost to us. It will always exercise a whole- 
some influence upon freight charges on foreign steamers 
to and from American ports. It will tend to equalize 
freight rates from South America to European and 
American ports. 

The services of American Banks are also essential. 
They must be on hand to advance the necessary credit to 
our customers. If we do business through foreign banks 
we will be handicapped all the way. It is only natural 



Selling Goods Abroad 119 

that the creditor should prefer to advance money when 
the resulting purchases are made in his own country. 
Our manufacturers and exporters ought to be willing to 
share in the expenses of these necessary adjuncts of 
business in those cases where they cannot be run at a 
profit. 

So much for our organization for overseas trade. 
This is not enough to ensure our success. We must 
also consider the spirit in which we enter world trade 
and the objects we have in view. One of the first con- 
siderations that confront us is the difference in the 
methods we must employ within and without those 
parts of the world that are under American influence. 
The United States and its possessions, Canada, Mexico, 
and Central America are roughly the only parts of the 
world where we can sell goods by our accustomed 
methods. 

This is practically only the continent of North America. 
In all the rest of the world we are more or less of a strange 
land, our customs, styles and ideas do not influence 
the people. The other five continents are loosely similar 
in their freedom from our influence. They are under 
what might be called European Civilization as distinct 
from American. 

All over this vast territory the wealthy classes have 
similar tastes and habits. It is true that most of the 
population have their own national or racial peculiari- 
ties, but it is also true that the persons one meets on 
steamers and railway trains, in hotels and consular 



120 The Hope of the Future 

offices have similar clothes, eat much the same food, eat 
in the same manner, and live according to a certain 
rule of Ufe all over the world outside North America. 

The business and official classes of Africa, Asia and 
South America are taking their tone from Europe. It is 
mainly in small matters but these are important. They 
cause people all over the world to regard the American 
as a little bit different from themselves. For one thing, 
he wears tortoise shell spectacles and sharp pointed 
shoes; for another, he eats with his fork in the right hand 
and drinks water with his meals. 

But, worst fault of all, the American often appears 
ignorant of the fact that he is different. He seems to 
act as if his ways were accepted by all society as the 
proper ones. He is unconscious of the fact that he is 
out of touch with his surroundings. The traveller can 
be eccentric if he desires, but the man of business must 
be pleasing to his customers. If they are all the time 
aware of his nationality, if his tricks of conversation 
intrude upon the mind he will not be a success. 

The American who is trying to sell goods to people 
of this European CiviUzation must first of all learn to be 
silent. I believe that if our salesmen could only avoid 
expressing their opinions for their initial month abroad 
they would be successful. In that time they would 
have learned the way in which to make themselves 
agreeable to their associates. 

European business is not the simple straight-forward 
thing that ours is. We depend largely on advertising 



Selling Goods Abroad 121 

to place our products on the home market. Europe also 
has advertising but it is different from ours and plays a 
less important part. The European business man 
objects to being persuaded by advertising; when this is 
attempted he becomes suspicious and resentful. Busi- 
ness all over the world follows Europe in this feeling. 

Many American salesmen have gone out to China with 
the plan of " setting the country on fire," or " waking 
up China." They have usually returned on the next 
steamer, with the dismal story that the Chinese were too 
backward to understand a real live idea. They had 
failed to understand that American advertising is strong 
medicine and can only be taken by those who are used 
to it. 

Outside America, business deals are much more 
personal, private and indirect. They are secret and 
diplomatic, apt to be decided over a good dinner; ques- 
tions of taste and personal preference enter largely into 
the decisions. In many cases it is true that like kissing 
they go by favor. In Asia it is too often the practice to 
accompany the making of contracts by substantial gifts 
of money or its equivalent, to the men who were influen- 
tial in procuring them. 

In the Export Trade business may be simple and 
straightforward, depending on the price and quaHty of 
the goods and the terms of payment. Yet sometimes it 
is far from being so. It may be more like the negotia- 
tion of a Versailles Treaty. 

There is no reason to be afraid about our export 



122 The Hope of the Future 

future. We have the quality of goods, the raw materials, 
the financial support. We are building up the Shipping 
and Banking connections. We have the poHtical good- 
will of nations everywhere. Our business men can solve 
the problems of organization and our salesmen can learn 
to beat the other fellow at his own game. 

But it will all take time and energy. We cannot 
expect to do much in a year or two. The present is a 
testing time that is weeding out the unfit. When better 
times come again they will see American business ready 
as never before to take advantage of the opportunities 
of a reconstructed world. 



CHAPTER XXI 

The Present Status of International Finance 

America has now become the greatest creditor nation. 
We possess forty-three per cent of the world's gold and a 
practical monopoly of its negotiable capital. The War 
hastened the process of transferring from Britain to the 
United States, the financial control which in any case 
our size and natural wealth would have given to us. 

There is grave danger that this increase in our wealth 
will make us the object of suspicion and dislike. Nobody 
loves a profiteer. The nouveau riche have ever been 
lampooned, caricatured and held up to scorn, not on 
account of envy, but because they generally fail to 
realize that wealth brings a new position in society with 
a whole train of obUgations and responsibilities. It is 
the same among nations as individuals: The honest 
mechanic who has inherited a fortune and an estate 
cannot understand that the village expects him to provide 
jobs for all, to maintain certain old pensioners; that 
society requires him to keep open house a certain number 
of times a year, to subscribe to various charities; and to 
live in a fitting style. 

America is now the world's creditor. The business of 
a creditor is to give credit. We must be as liberal as the 
" Old Squire " was in his day. When John Bull held 



124 The Hope of the Future 

the position we now occupy, he organized his business 
and banking system in such a way that he could supply 
other nation^ with capital, according to the following 
method. 

(The banks of Great Britain are not separate institu- 
tions but are nearly all branches of a few London banks. 
These London Joint Stock Banks, five of them of immense 
size, directed by the Bank of England, bring to London 
each day all their available capital; as fast as deposits 
come in. A small proportion is of course held for safety. 
This money is placed on offer in the money market 
of Lombard Street. Here a series of great discount 
houses, such as do not exist in America, borrow it for use 
all over the world. Foreign governments and corpora- 
tions come continually to Lombard Street for this 
money, the price of which moves up and down all da,y 
with the changing supply and demand. 

In America we do not secure such a speedy or com- 
plete concentration of capital. Of course money comes 
to the big New York banks, but the Usury Laws of the 
State of New York have been unfavorable to the growth 
of a market such as London has. We have developed 
the system of " Call Money." This means that our 
spare capital is taken by brokers for periods of a few days 
or even hours and used in the Stock Exchange for Specu- 
lation. Only a small proportion of it goes into long 
term foreign loans. 

New York will never gain the place that London now 
holds as the world's financial center until we cease using 



The Present Status of International Finance 125 

our spare cash for speculation. At the present time we 
are too ignorant to invest it abroad. We must build up 
a staff of expert observers in every country, who will be 
in daily touch with New York by cable and who will keep 
our money market informed as to the political and 
financial conditions in every land. We can then acquire 
knowledge and experience; so that when any foreign 
government or corporation applies for a loan we can fix 
the price and terms of repayment. 

It would be poor business to maintain such an intelli- 
gence service for the use of the money market alone. It 
should be a part of our ordinary commercial connections 
abroad. This means that we ought to send the very 
best type of American into the export and import trade. 
In every important foreign city, we ought to have some 
of these young men, who should be paid high salaries 
and kept permanently abroad. Such an arrangement 
though expensive, would be worth while in the end. A 
stay of two or three years is not adequate. Without 
proper knowledge and a sound system of financial intelli- 
gence we shall lose the money we have made. Since the 
signing of the Armistice, American speculators have 
lost enormous sums in buying European currencies. We 
have purchased any currency that seemed cheap, care- 
less of the fact that it might become still cheaper, and 
that the printing presses were still engaged in their work 
of inflation. 

America has shared much more in the losses of the 
War than Europe imagines. Our gains were after alt 



126 The Hope of the Future 

only relative ones; viewed from the absolute standard, 
we are poorer than before. Our national debt has been 
multiplied several times, and we are disinclined to take 
over any of Europe's burdens. Some people in the 
Allied countries cannot understand the way we look at 
things. They are so crippled by the War that we seem 
disgustingly prosperous. It seems to them an easy 
thing for us to cancel their wartime obligations. " Let 
us cancel all the Inter- Allied debts " they say, " then we 
can make a fresh start towards prosperity." 

America is often idealistic and there is something 
altruistic about this idea that appeals to us, but is it 
really sound? It has been advocated by the same people 
who thought that this was the " War to end War." 
If it were certain that the Allies were going to live in 
peace and friendship with each other, we could well 
afford to be generous. Unfortunately they are drawing 
into rival camps in pursuit of separate interests. 

Consider, for example, the state of affairs in the Medi- 
terranean. Italy, Greece, and the new state of the 
Serbs, Croats and Slovenes are so suspicious of one another 
that cancellation of the obhgations of one would almost 
constitute an act of hostility to the others. If their 
debts were repudiated all around, the result would be 
that their finances would so improve, that they could 
start another war more quickly. 

The surest way to ensure peace is to allow each nation 
to pay its debts in full, when it has recovered. Europe 
is now poverty-stricken, but she will ultimately win 



The Present Status of International Finance 127 

back her wealth. At the time of the Civil War, we 
borrowed heavily till our dollar went down to only forty 
per cent of its par value. Nobody cancelled our debts, 
yet we eventually recovered, and preserved our self- 
respect. Europe has always rightly insisted on collect- 
ing outstanding debts from South America and Asia. 
The Allies are insisting that Germany shall pay and that 
Russia shall acknowledge her foreign obhgations. 

If any of the Allies should be released from payment 
of their debts to this country, the American taxpayers 
would have to make good the amount of the debt, by 
retiring the Liberty Bonds which are an offset to it. 
They would say, emphatically, " Never Again! " When 
another emergency caused the same nation to seek 
credit in America the question would arise, " Is this 
loan also to be cancelled? " For the sake of its own future 
position no European nation can afford to accept remis- 
sion of its debts. 

In spite of these facts, we ought not to press any of the 
Allies for speedy payment. We shall do well to bear in 
mind the circumstances under which these debts were 
contracted — that they were made at times of great 
stress, when prices were high and when we were all 
fighting in a common cause. We ought to be willing to 
accept any terms of repayment that seem most suitable 
to the Allies. We cannot be paid in gold, the gold does 
not exist in Europe, hence we must be paid in goods and 
services and the transfer of securities. This means 
that we must prepare to become an importing country. 



128 The Hope of the Future 

The balance of trade that used to be so favorable to us 
was only ail index of the fact that we were a debtor 
country, obliged to make payment every year in com- 
modities. The situation is quite altered now. We shall 
have to grow accustomed to what is called an unfavor- 
able balance of trade; though it is not at all bad for us. 
It will consist in all sorts of goods that we shall receive 
as interest on the sums we have lent abroad. CiviHza- 
tion can really be better measured by imports than by 
exports; for it is the standard of consumption that 
determines our relative material progress. 



CHAPTER XXII 

America's Indebtedness to Europe 

This civilization of ours rests upon a material basis 
that is of our own creation. We Americans probably 
toil harder than any other race or nation. If we came 
out of the War in better condition than many countries, 
at least we worked for our money. This whole conti- 
nent was humming with industry during the war period. 
Factories worked with day and night shifts; in the 
absence of laborers, farmers toiled late in the fields to 
gather in their crops; the women cultivated small 
patches of ground in order that all possible food should 
be produced. We need not be ashamed of our wealth; — 
it was earned honestly. 

But there are many factors that go to make up our 
life besides material things. Civilization is so complex 
that no one has exhaustively catalogued it. Rehgion, 
education, law, tradition, literature, music and the fine 
arts, sports and pastimes, technical skill and many other 
imponderable elements combine to form the America 
we know. None of these factors in the hfe of our country 
has been wholly developed on American soil, many of 
them have been taken almost entirely from some other 
people. 



130 The Hope of the Future 

The Pilgrims came not empty-handed. They had a 
store of knowledge and tradition that represented cen- 
turies of effort. Our country was endowed from birth 
with all the wisdom that man had learned from unwilHng 
nature in ages past. We did not have to invent a lan- 
guage, a system of law, or a reHgion. These we borrowed 
largely from England. Without being fully aware of it, 
we inherited the Uberties and privileges of Englishmen. 

These liberties included the right of free speech, free- 
dom of conscience and religious behef, trial by jury, and 
the privilege of representation in the law-making and 
taxing legislature. These rights had not been easily 
attained. They were the fruits of more than a thousand 
years of bitter struggle with kings and feudal lords. 
The battle for the rights of the common man had been 
fought and won, the early settlers of New England 
brought with them the results of the victory. 

Ever since that time Europe has been pouring her 
riches upon America. She has given the Bible, the 
Christian Church, and its traditions of two thousand 
years; she has sent teachers who brought the learning 
of Greece and Rome; she has given to us painting, 
sculpture, music, architecture. Nearly every trade and 
profession in America are founded upon European 
experience and skill. 

Europe has sent her great artists to advance our cul- 
ture and civiHzation. Caruso was Italy's gift to America. 
Every year sees rare books, works of art, priceless col- 
ectio ns of varied objects, crossing the Atlantic to make 



America's Indebtedness to Europe 131 

us a treasure house of the precious and valuable things 
in the world. 

For these elements of culture we are under an immeas- 
urable debt to Europe. It is only decent of us to remem- 
ber this when we are dealing with the repayment of the 
AlUed debts. Of all countries Great Britain is the one 
to whom we owe the largest gratitude. Though she 
did not shape her policies with the direct purpose of 
aiding us, the effects have certainly been in our favor. 

For the last hundred years, the Monroe Doctrine has 
been the corner stone of our foreign poHcy. Under its 
guidance the two Americas have grown into prosperous 
continents, the seat of sturdy, independent repubUcs. 
The United States has not been called upon to maintain 
this Doctrine by force. The American taxpayer has 
not been required to contribute anything for its support. 
The real bulwark of its defense has been the British 
Navy. 

In the past century one attempt was made to 
break this policy of ours, namely, — the effort made by 
Napoleon III in Mexico, at the time of the American 
Civil War, when we were too divided to register an 
effective protest and when England was undecided 
whether to support the North or the South. 

What happened then, is an indication of what would 
have been the fate of the Western Hemisphere had 
Britain and the United States not upheld this policy. 
As soon as it seemed safe to defy us, an Austrian prince, 
Maximilian, supported by a French army, came to 



132 The Hope of the Future 

Mexico and set up an Empire in that country. When 
our war was over and we were free to act again, Napoleon 
withdrew his troops and the wretched Maximilian was 
killed by the Mexicans. 

It would be mere idle sentiment to say that Britain 
has kept her fleet for our benefit. Yet, I believe, it is 
true that she has had rather a soft spot in her heart for 
the United States and our institutions. The British 
have somehow always felt that we stood for the same 
principles as themselves. They have welcomed our 
growth, and particularly have they been pleased to see 
us expand and take a leading place among the nations. 

At the time of the Spanish American War, when we for 
the first time became a world power, they showed a real 
satisfaction at our new status. Britain welcomes us in 
the Far East. She feels that we will assume very much 
the same attitude there that she has. She cherishes 
almost a pathetic wish that we shall endure the same 
experiences and confront the same problems in order 
that we shall understand her position and sympathize 
with her. 

The British value highly our good opinion of their 
conduct. When we entered the War, they beUeved it 
was conclusive proof that the AUied cause was righteous. 
I have talked with many Britons who would Hke to see 
America become a great imperial power with rings of 
dependent nations surrounding her and the tutelage of 
other races in her care. I believe they feel this way 
because they think that we should then warmly champion 



America's Indebtedness to Europe 133 

the British Empire. They crave our moral support 
because they themselves are more sensitive than they 
will admit, in regard to the past history of British 
expansion. 

Such friends of ours little comprehend the real temper 
of America. The idea of conquest and control of foreign 
nations, even though it be for their own good, is in 
contradiction to the political conceptions of the nation. 
At times we have been forced into an attitude similar 
to that of Britain. It was at such times that we took 
over the government of Cuba and the Philippines, and 
assumed a loose control of Central America. Now the 
older spirit of the American people has asserted itself. 
We left Cuba, we are talking of giving independence to 
the Philippines, a campaign is being carried on to 
bring about the withdrawal of our troops from Haiti. 

Probably the crux of the situation is and will remain 
Mexico. This is what ex-President Wilson would call 
the acid test of our principles of local self government. 
To my mind the decision rests with the Mexican people 
and their government. If they can effect a peaceful 
solution of their difficulties and protect the rights of 
foreigners, then America will retain her policy of non- 
intervention. If it becomes necessary for us to " clean 
up Mexico," the United States will be well started upon 
an imperial career. The absorption of Mexico would be 
only the prelude to a mighty expansion. 

In the latter case our future policy would approxi- 
mate Britain's. We should certainly drift into an alii- 



134 The Hope of the Future 

ance that would ensure the peace of the world under 
Anglo-Saxon leadership. But if we continue in our 
present policy it is not necessary that we should be any 
less friendly. If circumstances have forced us to take 
different points of view, may we not still make allowances 
for each other? 

Americans might well remember that we should 
probably have done what Britain has done were we in 
her place. Enghshmen ought to know that we have 
denied ourselves an imperial career for conscience's 
sake, and that we are not "Shirking our plain duty to 
CiviHzation." 



CHAPTER XXIII 

The Hope of the Future 

I hope my readers will understand now why my 
world-travels have caused me to feel that it was incum- 
bent upon me to show the necessity for a close com- 
mercial, political and social understanding — a Union 
of Hearts — that should always exist among the English- 
speaking people of the world. In the future Great 
Britain and America must either be close friends or 
deadly enemies. 

As for the positions of world-unportance now held by 
Great Britain and America, I can only say it would be 
difficult to indicate at this time over what issue Great 
Britain and America may fall out. It can only be said 
that if history proves anything it proves abundantly 
that in the past no two nations could ever share the 
leadership of the world in peace. 

The War has left the two English-speaking nations in 
the undisputed mastery of the globe. Between us we 
control the raw materials from which food and clothing 
are produced. We control to level degrees, fuel and 
power, factories and warehouses, railways and steam- 
ship hues. We control the banking system and its sup- 
plies of credit for war and peace. 

No third power can initiate any plan against our will. 
The defeat of Germany has broken the only power that 



136 The Hope of the Future 

was independent of our money and materials. The 
Bolshevic government is the sole one which is attempting 
to exist without our support. In time it will also be 
compelled to enter the fold. Thus we are in no danger 
from any outside force. For example, Japan cannot 
make war without a loan from one of us. She is also 
buying her munitions and giving contracts in both 
countries for the construction of battleships. 

In an exhausted world, we are left, two mighty nations 
facing each other, with all pressure of immediate danger 
from the rest of the world removed. Under these 
circumstances the two powerful national units will 
probably act as others have done before. A short glance 
at history will suffice to show what always has occurred 
in similar cases. 

There seems to be some mahgnant devil in mankind 
that prompts us to destroy all our carefully built edifices 
of civilization just when they are completed and ready 
for our enjoyment. Whenever in the past, some great 
state has been erected it was finally challenged by the 
other most powerful state of the time ; the arts ; sciences, 
and wealth of the period were swept away; mankind 
had again to rebuild its world from the fragments left 
in the wake of the disaster. 

Two great powers have never before been willing to 
live permanently at peace. Egypt and Babylon seemed 
impelled to match their forces; Rome could not tolerate 
another sister empire. European history is largely the 
record of a struggle between the most powerful nations 



The Hope of the Future 137 

and the next in power. Such struggles have usually- 
ended in the ehmination of the weaker, unless it had the 
stronger alhes, and in a continuation of the contest 
between the victor and the most powerful third nation 
that had been nursing its resources. 

At the beginning of modern history, the contest lay- 
between France and the Holy Roman Empire. When 
Spain was added to the Empire, France was too weak to 
fight alone and England became the opponent. In this 
struggle England was allied with Holland, but when 
Spain became weakened, England and Holland fought 
each other. A century later France was the leading 
power in Europe and she was fighting for mastery until 
the downfall of Napoleon completed the victory of Eng- 
land. Our War of Independence was one of the inci- 
dents of this contest, which lasted more than a hundred 
years. Russia was the chief ally of England against 
Napoleon. During the Nineteenth Century Great Brit- 
ain and Russia were struggling for the control of Asia. 

In the next century events moved quickly. Britain, 
France and Turkey defeated Russia in the Crimean War. 
France was growing strong again, so that Britain looked 
on with favor when she was overcome by the new nation, 
Germany, in 1870. In 1904, Russia was again defeated 
by Japan. Britain now began to see that she had made 
a mistake; that Germany was her most dangerous oppo- 
nent. Accordingly, when Germany and Austria attacked 
France and Russia in 1914, they found Britain against 
them. Eventually the United States entered the War 



138 The Hope of the Future 

when it became evident that Germany was challenging 
all non-combatants as well. 

If history continues to be made in the same way as 
heretofore, it is evident that the next contest will take 
place between Britain and America, with alHes on either 
side. Such a war would be nothing less than a universal 
slaughter. It would not be confined to armies but would 
be an attempt to exterminate whole populations by 
disease and starvation. Every continent would be 
involved. France and Germany would take opposite 
sides, China and Japan would carry on the War in Asia. 
Whichever side was victorious, the world would be 
swept by Bolshevism, and confronted by a new peril, — 
the race war between the East and the West. 

No spasm of national passion nor any extraordinary 
act of folly is needed to precipitate this catastrophe, 
which we shall reach by simply following the ordinary 
course of diplomacy, by living in the future as we have 
in the past, — that is, in good-natured disregard of 
foreign affairs. This drift into war is the natural, 
logical issue of our present international organization. 

It is now for us to act with more than normal wisdom 
and moderation. In both countries we must make a 
supreme effort to unite instead of drawing away from 
each other. To succeed will be no easy task, rather will 
it be a harder one than has ever been accomplished before 
by rivals for the mastery of the world. In the present 
situation, however, are new facts, that may make us 
more hopeful of a lasting peace. 



The Hope of the Future 139 

This is the first time in the long dreary record of the 
struggle for power that the two leading contestants have 
been of the same race, speaking the same language, 
having the same laws, literature, traditions and senti- 
ments. We are also fortunate in the fact that we have 
not yet drifted far along the perilous road to war. We 
have not taught our respective peoples to despise and 
hate one another, nor do we have deep prejudices to 
overcome or bitter wounds to heal. 

There is one long standing cause of difference, — the 
question of Ireland. The presence in the United States 
of fifteen millions of men and women who trace their 
ancestry from Irish stock, makes this a domestic problem 
for us as weU as for Great Britain. In its final settle- 
ment we are vitaUy interested, for we shall never know 
real peace and national unity in America as long as so 
many of our people stUl cherish the memories of Old- 
World antagonisms. 

No Englishman wishes his country to be judged by 
her treatment of the Irish. But she is so judged in 
America. This part of the British Empire, the least 
creditable, is the one presented to our eyes. It fills our 
whole horizon. We are now hving in hope that the end 
of the struggle is in sight. When Ireland at last receives 
full justice, Britain may be surprised by the warmth of 
the friendship we shall offer her. 

If ever the long series of historical precedents is to be 
reversed ; if ever the nations are to cease their futile and 
impotent attempts to better themselves by the seizure 



140 The Hope of the Future 

of their neighbor's property; if ever modern civiliza- 
tion is to avoid extermination tnrough plunging into the 
abyss of universal war; — then this is the most auspicious 
moment of centuries; Britain and America have a 
peculiar and unique opportunity to save mankind by the 
exercise of sanity and self-sacrifice. 

It is not our vital interests that we must sacrifice, but 
our foolish pride and national vanity. We must each 
be wilHng to remain the " second best " nation in the 
world, rather than to become the first through the blood- 
bath of war. We may have to sacrifice our feelings many 
times. We must learn patience, be more forgiving of 
one another's faults than nations have ever been. 

We must thoughtfully, prayerfully, with all our 
energy, employ every existing agency of co-operation. 
We must improvise new means of working together in 
harmony, or the Great Disaster will be upon us. 

To every man, woman, and child in every English- 
speaking community throughout the world, in the name 
of those who have already given up their lives in order 
that our advanced civilization might be established, let 
us appeal, that they will help save this civilization which 
cost our forefathers so much in suffering to make possible. 
If we fail to do our duty in bringing about a Union of 
Hearts among the English-speaking peoples of the world, 
then we grossly wrong the unborn generations, our 
children and our children's children. Are we to secure 
this peace and prosperity only for the English-speaking 
peoples? No, — but for humanity. Today humanity's 



The Hope of the Future 141 

hope for the future lies with the Enghsh-speaking peoples 
of the world. It is for them to carry forward the torch 
of fellowship and good will, lighted by their desire for 
inter-racial understanding and kept burning by their 
passion for justice. This is The Hope of the Future! 



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